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Mitch Daniels - Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans

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Upon leaving the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin was asked what sort of government the delegates had created. His reply to the crowd: A republic, if you can keep it. Now Americas most respected governor explains just how close weve come to losing the republic, and how we can restore it to greatness.

Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels has been called the most presidential man in America. He has brought more change to his state in a few years than most see in decades.

During his tenure, Daniels turned a $700 million deficit into a billion dollar surplus, balanced Indianas budget even during the recession, converted its once unattractive business climate into one of the strongest for private sector job growth.

The Hoosier state is now a model of good and efficient governance. Its public sector payroll is now the smallest per capita in the nation. And yet services have improved across the board. Even its Bureau of Motor Vehicles -- the ultimate symbol of dysfunctional bureaucracy - has been rated the best in the country.

Daniels has done this by focusing on governments core responsibilities, cutting taxes, empowering citizens, and performing what he calls an old tribal ritual - spending less money than his state takes in, while distinguishing between skepticism towards big government and hostility towards all government.

Unfortunately few politicians have the discipline or courage to follow his lead. And worse, many assume that Americans are too intimidated, gullible or dim-witted to make wise decisions about their health care, mortgages, the education of their kids, and other important issues. The result has been a steady decline in freedom, as elite government experts -- our benevolent betters, in Daniels phrase -- try to regulate every aspect of our lives.

Daniels bluntly calls our exploding national debt a survival-level threat to the America we have known. He shows how our underperforming public schools have produced a workforce unprepared to compete with those of other countries and ignorant of the requirements of citizenship in a free society. He lays out the risk of greatly diminished long term prosperity and the loss of our position of world leadership. He warns that we may lose the uniquely American promise of upward mobility for all.

But, the good news is that its not too late to save America. However, real change cant be imposed from above. It has to be what he calls change that believes in you -- a belief that Americans, properly informed of the facts, will pull together to make the necessary changes and that they are best- equipped to make the decisions governing their own lives. As he puts it:

I urge great care not to drift into a loss of faith in the American people. We must never yield to the self-fulfilling despair that these problems are immutable, or insurmountable. Americans are still a people born to liberty. Addressed as free-born, autonomous men and women of God-given dignity, they will rise yet again to drive back a mortal enemy.

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Table of Contents Daniels is the most credible Republican spokesperson on - photo 1
Table of Contents Daniels is the most credible Republican spokesperson on - photo 2
Table of Contents

[Daniels is] the most credible Republican spokesperson on economic recovery, the man whose results as Indiana governor would compare most favorably to the man in office. Now that hes not running, the Republican field lacks a credible Obama antithesis.
Marc Ambinder, The Atlantic

Daniels is and long has been enviably popular in his home state, largely thanks to what can only be called his prudent conservatism. He is a conservative, no two ways about it; but he has not shackled himself to ideology.... Instead, he has espoused sensible and politically workable solutions to Indianas woes, neither demonizing all government nor idolizing all private enterprise.
Esquire

[Daniels] had made clear that the national debt would have been issues no. 1, 2, and 3 for him. His sense of urgency is warranted, and he had the record as governor to back up his message.... he might have succeeded in pushing President Obama toward more seriousness on deficit reduction than the president has shown thus far and sparked a valuable, honest debate about the proper size and role of government.
editorial, The Washington Post

[Daniels] would be a great president. Are there [other] people who right now know these issues, have the principles, have the courage of their convictions, and are willing and able to defend them? Nobody comes to my mind.
U.S. Representative Paul Ryan

No other prospective candidate had a record of accomplishment as impressive as his. More important, I think Mitch Daniels has personal qualities that Americans yearn for in public leaders even as our political culture impedes them.
Mark Slater, Real ClearPolitics
This governor is a man of policy conviction and commitment, not politics. The country is overrun with politicians who are not reliable people. This is a man who rises above politics with a real commitment to sound public policy. He has an outstanding track record. You can count on himhes reliable. He gets the work done. Its a rare thing to find among those who hold public office.
Former House majority leader and Tea Party leader Dick Armey

Daniels has called the federal deficit the new Red Menace, this time consisting of ink. Nice metaphor. But unlike some big talkers about deficits, Daniels can match his rhetoric with his record.
Vincent Carroll, Denver Post

I am very pleased he did not get into the race.... He would have been a force to be contended with at the national scene and would have provided the Republican Party with a very smart candidate who knows the issues and has an uncanny ability to take complicated problems and have the electorate understand and then support his position. He would have assuredly done this with a myriad of far more complicated subjects at the national level.
Former Indiana House Democratic majority leader Russ Stillwell

The most presidential man in America.
Jacob Perry, The Pundit League
For Cheri and the girls
Like everything else
FOREWORD
Although American politics has never been particularly decorous, we live in notably noisy times. If the lungs were the seat of wisdom, we would have a surplus of Aristotles. Instead, we have a boiling ocean of empty vehemencehigh-decibel harangues with low information content. That is the bad news.
The good news is that in cacophonous times, the attention of thoughtful people is drawn to someone who talks softly, thinks clearly, and respects the intelligence of the public. The author of the book you are holding is such a person. By now, many people around the nation have noticed Mitch Daniels. His intellect, candor, and witattributes that earned him election and resounding reelection as Indianas governorsuffuse this volume of reflections on our current discontents.
It takes a worried man to write a worried book, and Daniels has done so. But his worries are not the thin gruel of evanescent headlines. Rather, they are grounded in a profound understanding of the pathologies that necessarily flow from the promiscuous expansion of government, such as the shock and awe statism of the Obama administration.
I once wrote, rudely but accurately, that during my friend Daniel Patrick Moynihans years in the Senate he wrote more books than some of his colleagues read. Mitch Daniels is a reader as well as a gifted writer. When he, together with some other leading conservative thinkers, was asked to name the books that made important contributions to his intellectual development, his six choices, listed in the following order, were instructive:
The Road to Serfdom by Friedrich Hayek (1944), because of its depiction of what Daniels calls the inexorable tendencies in statism to selfperpetuation of bureaucracies.
Free to Choose: A Personal Statement by Milton Friedman (1980), because of its argument establishing what Daniels calls the moral underpinnings of free economics, if one starts from the premise that the highest value is the autonomy and dignity and freedom of the individual, a value best... promoted by property rights, by free economic voluntary exchange.
What It Means to Be a Libertarian by Charles Murray (1997), because of its demonstration that the welfare state sometimes, in Danielss words, produces the very misery that it was supposed to eliminate.
The Rise and Decline of Nations by Mancur Olson (1982), because it explains how free societies become encrustedDanielss wordwith interest groups, including big businesses, that become forces that buttress a stultifying status quo. These truly reactionary interests impede economic dynamism, thereby blocking avenues of upward mobility for the least fortunate. As Daniels understands, these interests may travel under different banners or masquerade as something else but these are the folks who are more often than not trying to freeze in place arrangements that worked well for the ins.
The Future and Its Enemies by Virginia Postrel (1998), because of its useful nomenclature, stressing the distinction not between right and left, but between those who favor stasism and those who promote dynamism. I think, Daniels says, in general, the Olson-like structures that we have to guard against in our country today tend to be those that favor the large interventionist state we built. Im including here, by the way, the incumbent businesses that love the way in which it suppresses competition and puts up barriers to entry.... Look all around us right nowat this sudden explosion of subsidies. Look at whos going after them in the mainits well-established companies, interests, or industries.
The Constitution of Liberty by Friedrich Hayek (1960), because of its synthesis of the themes of the other five books. I do believe, says Daniels, that if your goal is to maximize individual freedom, to maximize the upward mobility to the first and second rung of success, you cannot be for stand-still policies because inevitably they hold down growth, favor the ins versus the outs, the large versus the small, and the vested interests that inevitably grow up in a developed society like ours.
As Danielss own book demonstrates, he has a penchant for speaking his well-stocked mind. While he was director of President George W. Bushs Office of Management and Budget, he was invited to speak to House Republicans at the Capitol. In an open meeting, he said the problem was that both parties appropriators operated on this principle: Dont just stand there, spend something. His service high in the executive branch of the federal government taught him that there are, indeed, institutional imperatives that have helped to drive the federal government, and with it the national economy, into severe difficulties. His governmental service has strengthened his conviction that something akin to bariatric surgery is necessary to cure morbidly obese government. It is necessary because, he says, such government is impeding economic dynamism and social fluidity: Upward mobility from the bottom is the crux of the American promise, and the stagnation of the middle class
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