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Anne Birdwhistell - Transition to Neo-Confucianism: Shao Yung on Knowledge and Symbols of Reality

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Anne Birdwhistell Transition to Neo-Confucianism: Shao Yung on Knowledge and Symbols of Reality
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The Sung Neo-Confucian synthesis is one of the two great formative periods in the history of Confucianism. Shao Yung (1011-77) was a key contributor to this synthesis, and this study attempts to make understandable the complex and highly theoretical thought of a philosopher who has been, for the most part, misunderstood for a thousand years. It is the first full-length study in any language of Shao Yungs philosophy.
Using an explicit metaphilosophical approach, the author examines the implicit and assumed aspects of Shao Yungs thought and shows how it makes sense to view his philosophy as an explanatory theory. Shao Yung explained all kinds of change and activity in the universe with six fundamental concepts that he applied to three realms of reality: subsensorial matter, the phenomenal world of human experience, and the theoretical realm of symbols.
The author also analyzes the place of the sage in Shaos philosophy. Not only would the sage restore political and moral unity in society, but through his special kind of knowing he also would restore cosmological unity. Shaos recognition that the perceiver had a critical role in making and shaping reality led to his ideal of the sage as the perfect knower. Utilizing Shaos own device of a moving observational viewpoint, the study concludes with an examination of the divergent interpretations of Shaos philosophy from the eleventh to the twentieth century.
Because Shao took very seriously numerological aspects of Chinese thought that are often greatly misunderstood in the West (e.g., the I Ching), the study is also a very good introduction to the epistemological implications of an important strand of all traditional Chinese philosophical thought.

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Table of Contents Acknowledgments My study of Shao Yung began more than - photo 1
Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

My study of Shao Yung began more than ten years ago, after I had completed my dissertation on the early ching philosopher Li Yung. I realized then that I did not satisfactorily understand the philosophical problems and arguments of the early Ching period, an age very critical of Sung philosophy. Thus I felt compelled to try to understand the beginnings of Neo-Confucianism.

The types of problems in which Shao Yung was interested and the enigma that he has posed for over nine hundred years contributed to my choice of which Sung philosopher to examine. As I became familiar with Shao Yungs thought, my initial conception of his philosophical system was rudely altered by the ideas themselves. Shao Yung was by no means an unknown philosopher, but he was, I contend, often misrepresented and not well understoodeither by his contemporaries or by posterity.

I hope that my analysis and the perspective that I offer will contribute to a better understanding of Shao Yungs thought. Given the historical treatment of Shao Yung, I suspect that some of my interpretations, like those of others before me, will be open to serious dispute. I do realize, moreover, that I have not quite followed the sagely advice of Cheng Hao, Shao Yungs contemporary, who said that twenty years were required to understand Shao Yung.

Even though I have not spent the years Cheng Hao recommended, I have accumulated many debts in my search for understanding. Stockton State College, Pomona, New Jersey, provided funds for several summers of research and for a sabbatical that allowed me to write this book. My Stockton colleagues have given me support and encouragement, and I especially thank Allen Lacy, Joseph Walsh, and Margaret Marsh.

I began my study of China more than twenty years ago as an undergraduate at the University of Pennsylvania. The initial guidance and help of Derk Bodde and W. Allyn Rickett enabled me to develop my interests in Chinese philosophy and culture. As a graduate student at Stanford University, I studied with David S. Nivison, who directed both my M.A. thesis on the Huai-nan Tzu and my Ph.D. dissertation. During my graduate years, I further benefited from the teaching of the late James J. Y. Liu, who stimulated my interest in thinking about tradition.

More recently, I have received encouragement and help from Nathan Sivin, who has offered criticism on several of my articles. Fred Gillette Sturm has aided me with his comments on several papers that were preliminary pieces to this study. I am grateful to Nancy Cheng and her staff at the East Asian library of the University of Pennsylvania for their assistance over many years. The editorial assistance of Stanford University Press has been superb, particularly the help from John R. Ziemer. Above all, I thank my husband, Ray L. Birdwhistell, for his support and for our countless hours of discussion on the nature of theory and theoretical problems. The views and interpretations expressed in this study are my own, and I take responsibility for all errors.

A.D.B.

Reference Matter
Notes

Complete authors names, titles, and publication data are given in the Bibliography, pp. 291307. For the sake of simplicity, whenever possible I have used the Ssu-ku chan-shu edition of the Huang-chi ching-shih, with collected commentary by Wang Chih (HCCSSC). The following abbreviations are used in the Notes and Bibliography.

HCCSSCShao Yung, Huang-chi ching-shih shu-chieh.
HLTCSHsing-li ta-chan-shu.
KWNPKuan-wu nei-pien, in Shao Yung, Huang-chi ching-shih shu.
KWWPKuan-wu wai-pien, in Shao Yung, Huang-chi ching-shih shu.
SKCSSsu-ku chan-shu.
SPPYSsu-pu pei-yao.
SYHAHuang Tsung-hsi and Chan Tsu-wang, Sung Yan hseh an.
TSCCTsung-shu chi-cheng.
Chapter 1

HCCSSC, 14:67a, KWWP, 12. This statement alludes to the attitude of Confucius. See Lun-y, 1.1, 6.18; translated in Chan, Source Book, 18, 30.

See Chapter 9 of this study for a discussion of the range of opinions on Shao Yung and his thought that traditional and modern Chinese scholars have held.

For their biographies in the Sung shih, see 427: 1a3a (Chou Tun-yi), 427:10a11b (Shao Yung), 427:8b10a (Chang Tsai), 427:3a5b (Cheng Hao), 427:5b8b (Cheng Yi). There is also some disagreement over the extent to which the five founders influenced each other. See Graham, Philosophers, 15278. I do not agree with Ira E. Kasoffs claim (and this study will show why) that Shao Yung was not part of the Confucian mainstream in the eleventh century. See Kasoff, 8.

As Hou Wai-lu (496) noted, Chu Hsi first identified six masters of the tao learning (see Chu Hsi, Chu Tzu ta-chan, 85 :9ab). In a later work (Yan-yan lu), however, apparently because of the influence of the followers of the Loyang learning, Chu omitted Ssu-ma Kuang from the orthodox line of transmission. On Shao Yungs omission from the Chin-ssu lu, see Chan, Reflections, xxxiixxxiii.

Only when these cultural systems began to break down in the nineteenth century did the problem of separating traditional Chinese culture and its values from China as a modern political state become a major concern of Chinese intellectuals. See Schwartz, Search; and Levenson.

For a general history of this period, see Reischauer and Fairbank. For specialized studies, see Chaffee; Kracke, particularly 827; and J. T. C. Liu, Reform. On printing, see Carter; Chang Hsiu-min; Liu Chia-pi; and J. Needham et al., vol. 5.

For a general view of the development of Chinese philosophy, see Fung. On the development of Neo-Confucianism, see Bruce; Carsun Chang; and de Bary, Reappraisal.

See Wei Cheng-tung, Chung-kuo; and Wu. For the earlier development of the Yi learning, see Mou Tsung-san, Wei-Chin.

See Guthrie, 1 : 146340; and Philip. For a study concerning the possibility of Chinese influence on the Pythagorean school, see Swetz and Kao.

Quine.

In addition to Shao Yung, others followed the so-called tu-shu pai (charts and diagrams branch) of the images and numbers learning. Shao Yung was the most famous, but Liu Mu (101164) and Chu Chen (1072 1138) were also important.

I agree with Grahams view (Philosophers, 153) that there is no evidence indicating that Shao Yung and Chou Tun-yi knew each other.

Lun-y, 7.1; see Chan, Source Book, 31.

See Howard; Le Blanc; and Louton. As this study will show, Shao was greatly influenced by Han thought.

Tung and Yang represented different positions within Han thought, but both shared certain basic assumptions about the unity and correspondence of parts of the universe; see Fung, 2:7150.

Wei Po-yang, a Han dynasty alchemist, wrote the Chou Yi tsant ung-chi, dated A.D. 142, which is considered to be the earliest book on theoretical alchemy. Kuan Lang (Tzu-ming; Wei dynasty) wrote the Tung-chi chen-ching and Kuan shih Yi chuan. During the Sung, Tsai Yan-ting (11398) placed Shaos Huang-chi ching-shih in the tradition of Yang Hsiungs Tai-hsan ching, Kuan Langs Tung-chi chen-ching, and Ssu-ma Kuangs Chien-hs. See HCCSSC, shou-shang:3b . For a discussion of alchemical ideas that indicate the necessary correlation of space and time, ideas similar to those of Shao Yung, see Sivin, Alchemy and the Manipulation.

This claim does not apply to those Chinese philosophers who were part of the evidential research movement in the ching period (and even those who anticipated it before the Ching), for they changed Chinese philosophy in fundamental ways. See Elman.

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