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Erik Gunderson - The Art of Complicity in Martial and Statius: Martials Epigrams, Statius Silvae, and Domitianic Rome

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Erik Gunderson The Art of Complicity in Martial and Statius: Martials Epigrams, Statius Silvae, and Domitianic Rome
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The Art of Complicity in Martial and Statius: Martials Epigrams, Statius Silvae, and Domitianic Rome: summary, description and annotation

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The Art of Complicity in Martial and Statius examines the relationship between politics and aesthetics in two poets from the reign of Domitian. Gunderson offers a comprehensive overview of the Epigrams of Martial and the Siluae of Statius. The praise of power found in these texts is notsomething forced upon these poems, nor is it a mere appendage to these works. Instead, power and poetry as a pair are a fundamental dyad that can and should be traced throughout the two collections. It is present even when the emperor himself is not the topic of discussion. In Martial the portrait of power is constantly shifting. Poetic play takes up the topic of political power and plays around with it. The initial relatively sportive attitude darkens over time. Late in the game we have ecstasies of humiliation. After Domitian dies the project tries to get back tothe old games, but it cannot. Statius Siluae merge the lies one tells to power with the lies of poetry more generally. Poetic mastery and political mastery cannot be dissociated. The glib, glitzy poetry of contemporary life articulates a radical modernism that is self-authorizing, and so complicitwith a power whose structure it mirrors. What does it mean to praise praise poetry? To celebrate celebrations? Gundersons discussion opens and closes with a meditation upon the dangers of complicit criticism and the seductions of a discourse of pure art in a world where the art is anything but pure.

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Classics in Theory General Editors Brooke A Holmes Miriam Leonard Tim - photo 1
Classics in Theory

General Editors

Brooke A. Holmes

Miriam Leonard

Tim Whitmarsh

Classics in Theory

Classics in Theory explores the new directions for classical scholarship opened up by critical theory. Inherently interdisciplinary, the series creates a forum for the exchange of ideas between classics, anthropology, modern literature, philosophy, psychoanalysis, politics, and other related fields. Invigorating and agenda-setting volumes analyse the cross-fertilizations between theory and classical scholarship and set out a vision for future work on the productive intersections between the ancient world and contemporary thought.

The Art of Complicity in Martial and Statius Martials Epigrams Statius Silvae and Domitianic Rome - image 2

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the Universitys objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries

Erik Gunderson 2021

The moral rights of the author have been asserted

First Edition published in 2021

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You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

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Library of Congress Control Number: 2021940828

ISBN 9780192898111

ebook ISBN 9780192653086

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898111.001.0001

Printed and bound by

CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.

For Tom

Contents

The students in my over-broad Complicity seminar put up with a lot. From their suffering came my wisdom. They helped me to see how everything could be put far more clearly and succinctly. If the book is neither clear nor succinct, know at least that things were once much, much worse. Charlotte Loveridge and Karen Raith were a pleasure to deal with at the press, both helped move the project forward swiftly and painlessly despite the fact that the world and everything in it was a mess. John Henderson of erstwhile anonymity was wonderful, as ever: so painfully generous with time and genius. I need to write another book, if only to get a chance to acknowledge more of the support and inspiration he has provided over the years. The presss other reader I cannot name, but I nevertheless owe him or her a debt of gratitude for, among other things, making me worry about my own tyranny and so perhaps saving others from it, at least in some measure.

Consider the gap between the Domitianic discourse of the Domitianic age and the next eras discourse of the Domitianic age. What had been the best of times was presently denounced as the worst of times. Furthermore it is not at all clear that this distance between these two versions of the Domitianic measures a shared conceptual unit. That is, the Domitianic discourse of power, even if distorted, does not seem to be structured along quite the same logic as is the Antonine discourse of Domitianic power. And the latter is a distorted discourse as well. If one elects to follow up on Foucaults insight and to deprecate the repressive model of power, then an agenda presents itself. If power is fertile and productive, rather than negative and constraining, then when it comes to the case of imperial power viewed as a discourse more broadly and not just as the concrete institutional capacity for an emperor to give an order and see it executed, who stood to gain? A naive, direct answer is incomplete. The advantaged party is not simply a partisan of a cause or an individual emperor. Imperial power was a modality of sovereignty, legitimacy, and participation. In the discourse of power that surrounds the Domitianic age, what sorts of Romanness were enabled, solicited, and fostered? How? On what occasions? By whom? Who, then, is the imperial subject, and what makes him tick?

In the case of the Antonines, the need for an appraisal of their claims about the past is glaring. The men denouncing the Domitianic era had themselves been politically active during that same period. What more does one need to know other than that the situation was revolting?

The cynical appraisal of imperial life is important and compelling. But the portrait of a world full of mere actors who mouthed empty lines itself comes to feel two-dimensional. The discourse of the subject and power produced within the Domitianic age unfolds a rich constellation of problems. The Antonines denounce something that is both too simple and to one side of this discourse. And so I have opted to offer a reading of the Domitianic portrait of Domitianic literature. Such an agenda potentially entails a species of meta-complicity: if the authors get to set the terms of the debate, then one is all too likely to end up on one side of it in the end. Similarly, one may well overlook key issues that have been pointedly suppressed by the authors of the hour. Nevertheless, the converse failing is, at least in the case of Domitianic literature, familiar enough: disgusted, one fails to give ear to these self-serving, boot-licking flatterers of power. Their praise turns into self-indictment. One denounces and moves on. A new age conveniently dispenses with an old one without asking too many inconvenient questions.

But if we linger, ones relationship to the material on hand becomes a somewhat fraught affair. And this is one of the points of the whole study: can politics and art be tidily separated at any layer of analysis? The poems are never merely political, nor are they simply art, and this is true evenespecially?when we are invited by the verse itself to draw distinctions and to set down lines of demarcation. Even if the contents of a poem were somehow purely apolitical, does not the apolitical posture itself reek of politics? Even when speaking most directly to power, is the speech ever just political without also itself constituting an aestheticized political object? And the lovely speech-object so produced is itself objectifying contemporary politics as a thing of wonder and beauty.

The pseudo-antinomy of art as set against politics cannot be sustained. Any desire to say that we are dealing with eitheror must yield to a story of bothand. Our reluctance to engage in a discourse of guilt and innocence is almost reflexive, especially in the wake of the over-hasty denunciations of the Antonines who seem all too eager to cast judgements. But it is, in its own way, perverse for us to maintain neutrality given the loud shouting of all parties that the affair at hand is indeed politically and socially charged. The critic who decides that what confronts him or her is merely a question of artistry has in practice taken a side both relative to the past and relative to the present. And so one has no choice but to decide what to do about all of the sticky questions before us. And they are sticky because they stick to us as well.

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