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Tomasello - Becoming human: a theory of ontogeny

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Virtually all theories of how humans have become such a distinctive species focus on evolution. Here, Michael Tomasello proposes a complementary theory of human uniqueness, focused on ontogenetic processes. His data-driven model explains how those things that make us most human are constructed during the first years of a childs life. Tomasello assembles nearly three decades of experimental work with chimpanzees, bonobos, and human children to propose a new framework for psychological development between birth and seven years of age. He identifies eight pathways that starkly differentiate humans from their closest primate relatives: social cognition, communication, cultural learning, cooperative thinking, collaboration, prosociality, social norms, and moral identity. In each of these, great apes possess rudimentary abilities. But then, Tomasello argues, the maturation of humans evolved capacities for shared intentionality transform these abilities into uniquely human cognition and sociality. The first step occurs around nine months, with the emergence of joint intentionality, exercised mostly with caregiving adults. The second step occurs around three years, with the emergence of collective intentionality involving both authoritative adults, who convey cultural knowledge, and coequal peers, who elicit collaboration and communication. Finally, by age six or seven, children become responsible for self-regulating their beliefs and actions so that they comport with cultural norms. Built on the essential ideas of Lev Vygotsky, Becoming Human places human sociocultural activity within the framework of modern evolutionary theory, and shows how biology creates the conditions under which culture does its work.--;I. Background. In search of human uniqueness ; Evolutionary foundations -- II. The Ontogeny of Uniquely Human Cognition. Social cognition ; Communication ; Cultural learning ; Cooperative thinking -- III. The Ontogeny of Uniquely Human Sociality. Collaboration ; Prosociality ; Social norms ; Moral identity -- IV. Conclusion. A neo-Vygotskian theory ; The power of shared agency.

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Becoming Human

A THEORY OF ONTOGENY

Becoming human a theory of ontogeny - image 2

MICHAEL TOMASELLO

The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press

Cambridge, Massachusetts

London, England

2019

Copyright 2019 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College

All rights reserved

Art: Yellow Journey (oil on canvas) Charlie Millar, courtesy of Bridgeman Fine Art

Design: Tim Jones

978-0-674-98085-3 (alk. paper)

978-0-674-98863-7 (EPUB)

978-0-674-98864-4 (MOBI)

978-0-674-98865-1 (PDF)

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Names: Tomasello, Michael, author.

Title: Becoming human : a theory of ontogeny / Michael Tomasello.

Description: Cambridge, Massachusetts : The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018014212

Subjects: LCSH: Developmental psychology. | Ontogeny. | Socialization. | Evolutionary psychology. | Behavior evolution.

Classification: LCC BF713 .T655 2019 | DDC 155dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018014212

For the Leipzig Team

Contents

In this book I propose a theoretical framework for organizing and explaining the research that my colleagues and I did from 1998 to 2017 in the Department of Developmental and Comparative Psychology of the Max Planck Institute of Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany. It is presented as a more or less coherent story, but the story line was not there from the beginning. It emerged only through the work. The theoretical framework owes much to my colleagues, although, needless to say, they do not all agree with all of it.

My main acknowledgment is thus to the Leipzig team as a whole for their exceptional work and dedication to the scientific enterprise. Many of their studies are cited here. Of my numerous colleagues over the years, I would like to single out my senior partners who were there for the duration. Elena Lieven was my one age-mate throughout, serving as a constant reminder that nothing says human uniqueness like language (and often serving as my social conscience as well). Josep Call was the ape house, from designing its testing rooms to designing brilliant experiments, and the ape work simply could not have been done without him. Malinda Carpenter was my main partner in crime when we first began thinking at our almost daily lunches for several years about human uniqueness in terms of shared intentionality (although we still disagree about some points). Crucial to the enterprise as well were Katharina Haberl, who created and supervised our incomparable child laboratory, and Henriette Zeidler, who was the organizational hub through whom, and because of whom, everything worked.

I also would like to express my deepest gratitude to the Max Planck Society, without doubt the best scientific organization in the world, and to my colleagues in the other four departments of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, without doubt the best institute of its kind in the world. The working atmosphere for those nineteen years was, in a word, inspirational. It was a privilege to work in the society and at the institute.

In terms of this book in particular, I would like to thank first and foremost my wife, Rita Svetlova, for providing numerous helpful comments on many ideas and phrasings in various parts of the book. In addition, I thank Jan Engelmann, who read the entire manuscript and gave helpful feedback, particularly on the second chapter. And finally, I thank Andrew Kinney at Harvard University Press as well as HUPs three anonymous reviewers for helpful feedback on the penultimate draft.

Note that many of the studies cited in this book have videos of the children or the apes performing in (usually) one condition in the task. They can be viewed by scientists and educators (for scientific and educational purposes) at:

http://www.becoming-human.org/

Username: developmental

Password: psychology

It is the epigenetic rules, the hereditary regularities of mental development, that connect the genes to culture. The search for human nature can be viewed as the archaeology of the epigenetic rules.

E. O. Wilson, Consilience (1998)

In his 1871 book The Descent of Man Charles Darwin proposed, in effect, that humans were just another branch on the evolutionary tree. Victorian Englanders, many with significant scientific training, were incredulous. Humans closest living relatives, the great apes, still lived in forests and jungles red in tooth and claw, but humans lived in a world of telescopes and steam engines, symphony orchestras and the British Parliament, and morning prayer followed by afternoon tea. It was a puzzle, to say the least, how just another branch on the evolutionary tree could live a life so utterly different from that of other animals.

Today this puzzle is essentially solved. At some point in human history a new evolutionary process arose. A telltale sign of this new process is that not all humans live amid telescopes, symphony orchestras, and the British Parliament but instead live among their own distinctive artifacts, symbols, and institutions. And because children, whatever their genetics, adopt the particular artifacts, symbols, and institutions into which they are born, it is clear that this societal variation cannot be coming from the genes but rather is socially created. The full puzzle is thus that humans are not only a species of unprecedented cognitive and social achievements but also, at the same time, one that displays a novel kind of socially created, group-level diversity.

The solution to the puzzlethe new evolutionary processis of course human culture. But the traditional notion of culture as something apart from biology and evolution will not do. Human culture is the form of social organization that arose in the human lineage in response to specific adaptive challenges. Its most distinctive characteristic is its high degree (and new forms) of cooperation. Synchronically, the members of a cultural group coordinate with one another in the context of self-created cooperative structures such as conventions (including linguistic conventions), norms, and institutions, and they relate to one another based on cooperative motives such as trust, commitment, and fairness. Call this the coordinative dimension of culture. Diachronically, the members of a cultural group pass along skills and knowledge to succeeding generations via cooperative processes of cultural learning, such as active instruction and conformist learning, resulting in a kind of ratchet effect in which cultural practices and products (including conventions, norms, and institutions) evolve, perhaps improve, over historical time. Call this the transmitive dimension of culture. The outcome is that virtually all of humans most remarkable achievementsfrom steam engines to higher mathematicsare based on the unique ways in which individuals are able to coordinate with one another cooperatively, both in the moment and over cultural-historical time.

But this explanation of human uniqueness in terms of cultural processes creates another puzzle, and this one is not yet solved. In this case the focus is not on the level of the species and its achievements, but rather on the level of the individual and its psychology: how do human individuals come to the species-unique cognitive and social abilities necessary for participating in cultural coordination and transmission? To answer this question the obvious first step is to establish exactly how human psychology differs from that of other primatesprecisely how humans as individuals are unique. The difficulty is that over the past few decades empirical research has established that humans nearest living relatives, the great apes, possess cognitive and social skills highly similar to those of humans, including many that are seemingly relevant to cultural processes. For example, there is recent research demonstrating that at least some great apes (1) make and use tools, (2) communicate intentionally (or even linguistically), (3) have a kind of theory of mind, (4) acquire some behaviors via social learning (leading to culture), (5) hunt together in groups, (6) have friends with whom they preferentially groom and form alliances, (7) actively help others, and (8) evaluate and reciprocate one anothers social actions.

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