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Günter Bischof - Neutrality in Austria

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Günter Bischof Neutrality in Austria

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After Stalins death, during a respite in Cold War tensions in 1955, Austria managed to rid itself of a quadripartite occupation regime and become a neutral state. As the Cold War continued, Austrias policy of neutrality helped make this small country into an important mediator of East-West differences, and neutrality became a crucial part of Austrias postwar identity. In the post-Cold War era Austrian neutrality seems to demand redefinition. The work addresses such issues as what neutrality means when Austrias neighbors are joining NATO? What is the difference between Austrian neutrality in 1955 and 2000? In remaining apart from NATO, do Austrian elites risk their nations national security? Is Austria a free rider, too stingy to contribute to Western defense? Has the neutralist mentalit become such a crucial part of Austrian postwar identity that its abandonment will threaten civil society? These questions are addressed in this latest in the prestigious Contemporary Austrian Studies series.The volume emerged from the Wittgenstein Research Center project on Discourse, Politics, and Identity, an interdisciplinary investigation of the meaning of Austrian neutrality. The first two chapters analyze the current meaning of Austrian neutrality. Karin Liebhart records narrative interviews with former presidents Rudolf Kirchschlger and Kurt Waldheim, both central political actors present at the creation and implementation of Austrias postwar neutrality. Gertraud Benke and Ruth Wodak provide in-depth analysis of a debate on Austrian National Television on NATO and Neutrality, a microcosm of Austrian popular opinion that exposed all positions and ideological preferences on neutrality. The historian Oliver Rathkolb surveys international perceptions of Austrian neutrality over the past half-century. For comparative contrast David Irwin and John Wilson apply Foucaults theoretical framework to the history and debates on neutrality in Ireland. Political scientists Heinz Grtner and Paul Luif provide examples of how Austrian neutrality has been handled in the past and today. Michael Gehler analyzes Austrias response to the Hungarian crisis of 1956 and Klaus Eisterer reviews the Austrian legations handling of the 1968 Czechoslovak crisis.Gnter Bischof is professor of history and executive director of Center Austria at the University of New Orleans. Anton Pelinka is professor of political science at the University of Innsbruck and director of the Institute of Conflict Research in Vienna. Ruth Wodak is professor in the linguistics department at the University of Vienna and director of the research center Discourse, Politics, Identity at the Austrian Academy of Science.

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Neutrality Austria
Contemporary Austrian Studies
Sponsored by the University of New Orleans and Universitt Innsbruck
Editors
Gnter Bischof, CenterAustria, University of New Orleans
Anton Pelinka, University of Innsbruck
Assistant & Production Editor
Ellen Palli
Copy Editor
Irne Brameshuber-Ziegler
Editoral Assistant
Daniela Jger
Executive Editors
Franz Mathis, University of Innsbruck
Gordon H. Mueller, Director, CenterAustria, University of New Orleans
Advisory Board
Ernst Hanisch
University of Salzburg
Michael G. Huelshoff
University of New Orleans
Wilhelm Kohler
University of Linz
Jacques LeRider
University of Paris VIII
Kurt Richard Luther
University of Keele
Michael G. Huelshoff
University of New Orleans
Wilhelm Kohler
University of Linz
Jacques LeRider
University of Paris VIII
Kurt Richard Luther
University of Keele
Radomir Lua Tulane
Tulane University (Emeritus)
Andrei S. Markovits
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Margareta Mommsen
University of Munich
Hanspeter Neuhold
University of Vienna
Helga Nowotny Swiss
Institute of Technology, Zrich
Manfred Prisching
University of Graz
Peter Pulzer
Oxford University
Oliver Rathkolb
University of Vienna
Sieglinde Rosenberger
University of Vienna
David Good
Center for Austrian Studies,
University of Minnesota
Ruth Wodak
University of Vienna
Publication of this volume has been made possible through a generous grant from the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the Austrian Cultural Forum in New York and the Austrian Marshall Plan Anniversary Foundation in Vienna. The University of Innsbruck and Metropolitan College of the University of New Orleans have also provided financial support.
First published 2001 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 2001 by Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2001027043
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Neutrality in Austria / Gnter Bischof, Anton Pelinka, Ruth Wodak, editors.
p. cm.(Contemporary Austrian studies ; v. 9)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-7658-0774-2 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. NeutralityAustria. 2. Neutrality. 3. AustriaForeign relations
1955- 4. AustriaPolitics and government1945- I. Bischof, Gnter,
1953- II. Pelinka, Anton, 1941- III. Wodak, Ruth, 1950- IV. Series.
JZ1582 .N48 2001
327.436dc21 2001027043
ISBN 13: 978-0-7658-0774-8 (pbk)
Dedicated to
SYBIL MILTON
(October 6, 1941 to October 16, 2000)
CAS Founding Board Member
Table of Contents

TOPICAL ESSAYS

Austrian Neutrality
Introduction
This special issue is the result of many debates about neutrality and the relevance of neutrality in Austria as well as in other neutral states, now belonging to the European Union.
Neutrality in Austria has a long and complex history: First, it was seen as something which was accommodated to please the Allied Forces. Slowly, neutrality became integrated into Austrias official identity. And nowadays, it is very positively connotated for many, emotionally laden for all, although very few know what it actually means and entails. The recent debates in the media and the discussion about European Security Policies as well as the meaning neutrality acquired for the main political parties in Austria, were the reason for a research project, undertaken in the Wittgenstein Research Center Discourse, Politics, and Identity, in the years 1997 1999. The project is interdisciplinary in nature, and the team consisted of political scientists, sociologists, historians, and linguists (see Liebhart and Benke/Wodak in this volume). The project on Discourses on Neutrality is the continuation of another study on the Discursive Construction of National Identity (Wodak et al. 1999), which showed that the issue of neutrality was functionalized for many political goals at different times during the past forty-five years, the Second Austrian Republic.
Our study used the discourse-historical approach: on the one hand, debates in the media and political speeches were studied (on Austrias National Day, 26 October), on the other hand, interviews and focusgroups were installed to investigate private and semi-private beliefs and opinions. The confrontation of these different and distinct public spaces made it possible to study the recontextuliazation of the meanings of neutrality and the ideologies involved. Specifically, it was also possible to interview two former Austrian presidents, who had both been involved with the creation and implementation of neutrality in 1955: Rudolf Kirchschlger and Kurt Waldheim. Their speeches were also analyzed, and thus self- and other assessment could be contrasted and analyzed: the reporting about the speeches, and the speeches themselves. The linguistic analysis makes hidden and coded meanings and connotations visible and demonstrates the different usage of neutrality throughout the years and in different phases of Austrian Foreign Policies.
Recently, neutrality has gained new prominenceand has produced a new paradoxon. In 1999, the war in Kosovo and former Yugoslavia has created a popular wave in favor of neutrality. More Austrians said yes to neutrality in public opinion polls than during the years before. The war in Austrias neighbourhood made clear what it would mean to belong to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and to have to send soldiers into battle. During the electoral campaign in summer 1999 the (old) coalition partners gained profile through different positions regarding Austrias neutrality: The SP wanted to preserve it as a symbol of Austrian identity as well as an instrument of a foreign policy focusing on peace without membership in a military alliance. The VP opted for a policy which should lead Austria into NATO. During the negotiations between SP and VP to reestablish their coalition in December 1999 and January 2000, the principal differences between the old partners regarding neutrality were visible, but not unbridgeable. A compromise which would have kept the future of neutrality open was already reached, when the negotiations broke down in spite of the agreement.
The coalition created on 4 February, 2000 is the alliance of two parties which aim openly at NATO-membership. This could have had an immediate impact on Austrias neutrality: The consensus between FP and VP to officially end Austrian neutrality by joining NATO is obvious. Paradoxically, an Austrian NATO-membership seems to be unintentionally prevented by this coalition, due to its composition. The sanctions, the EU-14 have started immediately as a response to the integration of the FP into the government, are a rehearsal for the (un)willingness of the leading Western powers to accept an Austria run by the Freedom Party. It would not be plausible for NATO-countries like Germany, France, Britain, Italy, or Spain (not to speak of non-EU members of NATO, like Canada, which have joined the EU-14 in freezing diplomatic relations with Austria), to boycott this Austrian government diplomaticallybut accepting it at the very same time as a member of NATO.
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