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Frederic C. Thomas - Calcutta Poor: Inquiry Into the Intractability of Poverty

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Frederic C. Thomas Calcutta Poor: Inquiry Into the Intractability of Poverty
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Calcutta Poor: Inquiry Into the Intractability of Poverty: summary, description and annotation

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Calcutta is notorious for its pavement dwellers, street children, and scavengers that have become a portrait of the worst sort of human degradation. In this illuminating critique, Thomas investigates the standard solutions - improved housing, increased job creation, and intervention of social services agencies - only to come to the conclusion that such initiatives have little effect on the inherent nature of the problem of poverty. Based on historical and anthropological findings, and the authors visits to the slums of Calcutta, what becomes clear is that even in the midst of great poverty, there is a nobility of character, a vitality of ethnic and cultural ties, and an energy that bring out inventiveness and ingenuity in the lives of the poor. If Calcuttas poverty is not to be an intractable problem, these internal forces must be awakened to generate solutions. Illustrated with stunning photographs, Thomass reflections provide new insight into an age-old problem.

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Calcutta Poor
Calcutta Poor
Elegies on a City abobe Pretense
Frederic C. Thomas
Calcutta Poor Inquiry Into the Intractability of Poverty - image 1
Calcutta Poor Inquiry Into the Intractability of Poverty - image 2
First published 1997 by M.E. Sharpe
Published 2015 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1997 Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notices
No responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use of operation of any methods, products, instructions or ideas contained in the material herein.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catloging-in-Publication Data
Thomas, Frederic C.
Calcutta poor: elegies on a city above pretense / Frederic C. Thomas.
p. cm.
An East Gate book.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 1-56324-981-2 (hard).
1. PoorIndianCalcutta.
2. Economic assistance, DomesticIndianCalcutta.
1. Title
HV4140.C34T45 1996
362.50954147dc20
9635877
CIP
ISBN: 13:9781563249815 (hbk)
Contents
(Photographs follow page 61)
W ith growing numbers of poor in their cities, developing countries face increasing difficulty in offering living standards consistent with the expectations of modern life. In this regard Calcutta is often seen as the classic case of urban failure. The city is notorious for its povertyperhaps unfairly so. Its sidewalk dwellers, street children, and scavengers have become a clich for the worst in human degradation. Meanwhile, comparatively little attention has been paid to Calcuttas experience in addressing the needs of its poorest citizens.
Both a historical and an anthropological perspective are needed. Present-day conditions must be seen against the backdrop of the citys history. Neighborhood studies focusing on the immediate context in which people live are essential, of course. But the lessons that emerge from these studies are rarely heeded by politicians and planners attuned to different agendas and city-wide solutions. The observations tend to be too anecdotal and relativistic to be of much practical use, unless placed in a broader policy framework. Also, such studies are often frozen in time, so that little is known of the dynamics of poverty and what the future will be like. To do more than simply enrich the senses, ethnographies must reach theoretical conclusions while at the same time not blotting out the rich detail of everyday life. Otherwise, there is the risk, as in many theoretical studies, that poverty becomes an abstraction, and the recalcitrant facts and ambiguities that are exposed at the neighborhood level are left largely unexplained.
This study attempts to bridge this gap. It is not about the urban development of Calcutta, on which there is already a vast body of literature. Nor is it an in-depth study of a particular slum for the purpose of extrapolating experience which might have more general application and provide broad insights and lessons. The diversity of Calcuttas population (castes, creeds, natives, and migrants) and the variety of slum environments (multistory tenements, bustees, refugee colonies, squatter settlements, sidewalks) would limit the value of any attempt at generalization on the basis of a particular slum.
This study describes the living and working conditions of Calcuttas poor in an effort to get beyond generalities and better understand the practical realities of impoverishment. It draws heavily on investigations done by others. In dealing with its poverty, Calcutta has had a long experience which should be looked at critically to determine the extent to which solutions are possible and, conversely, the extent to which certain forms of poverty may be perversely immune to treatment.
To do this, I have reviewed much of the literature, including many unpublished papers. On several occasions since the late 1970s I have made one- and two-month visits to Calcutta and have met with municipal officials, representatives of charitable organizations, researchers, businessmen, and bustee leaders. To acquire a street-level perspective and avoid overly theoretical speculation, I have spent many hours walking through different slums, observing activities taking place in the labyrinth of alleys and courtyards and talking informally to the people I met. A rudimentary command of Bengali was of great help in establishing contact and in validating the sincerity of my interest. This study, in short, stems more from a pleasurable and spontaneous process of confirming and supplementing the oral and written observations of others than from any rigorous process of participant observation or structured interviews.
Acknowledgments
My investigations would not have been possible without the valuable help I received from many persons in Calcutta. I am especially indebted to Sudhendu Mukherjee, who first introduced me to the bustees in 1978 and inspired me to pursue the subject further. I aloso want to thank those who shared with me their valuable insights and experience in dealing with Calcuttas poor and provided me with personal papers and studies which would not have been otherwise available. In this respect, I should particularly mention Mohammed Alamgir, Nirmala Banerjee, Tapan Banerjee, Mohit Bhattacharya, Bimalesh Bhattacharya, A.N. Bose, Eliana Chaudhuri, Samir Chaudhuri, Ashin Das, Prabhat R. Das, Abhijit Dasgupta, Biplad Dasgupta, Leslie Green, Animesh Haider, Vijay Jagannathan, Purnendu Jha, Raj M. Kapoor, M.S. Maitra, Rabial Mallick, Bijli Mallik, Braz Menezes, Madhu Mishra, Shourabh Mukerji, D.K. Roy, Kalyan Roy, Subhankar Roy, Asok Sen, Jai Sen, and K.C. Sivaramakrishnan. For her kindness and endless patience in teaching me Bengali, I express. my sincere gratitude to Aditi Sen.
I am happy to acknowledge the grant support provided by the Richard Lounsbery Foundation in New York and particularly wish to thank its late President, Alan F. McHenry. My thanks go also to the Society for Applied Anthropology, which sponsored my research, and to the American Institute for Indian Studies, which facilitated my work in Calcutta and helped me obtain official approval from the Government of India. I am most appreciative to the Center for South Asian Studies for their cooperation in providing access to the library facilities of the University of California, Berkeley.
Calcutta Poor
A lmost every book written about Calcutta begins with extravagant language describing the citys squalor and putrefaction. It is as though Calcutta has always had a perverse fascination as a dreadful place. As early as the 1770s, the first Governor of Bengal, Robert Clive, called it the most wicked place in the universe. Nearly one hundred years later, one of his successors, Sir George Trevelyan, wrote: Find, if you can a more uninviting spot than Calcutta&. The place is so bad by nature that human efforts could do little to make it worse, but that little has been done faithfully and assiduously. Rudyard Kipling in his oft-quoted portrayal, called Calcutta the city of dreadful nighta city of unspeakable poverty, of famine, riot and disease & where the cholera, the cyclone, the crow come and go, by the sewerage rendered fetid, by the sewer made impure. Young Winston Churchill was more matter-of-fact and whimsical when he wrote to his mother: I shall always be glad to have seen itfor the same reason Papa gave for being glad to have seen Lisbonnamely, that it will be unnecessary for me ever to see it again. Mark Twain, who stayed only one or two days, found the weather enough to make the brass doorknob mushy. On a visit in 1963, V.S. Naipaul could only conclude that Calcutta was an abomination.
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