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Sherrod Brown - Congress From the Inside: Observations From the Majority and the Minority

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Sherrod Brown Congress From the Inside: Observations From the Majority and the Minority
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While the larger story is well handled, its the details that make this so readable. Not for political junkies alone, but for anyone who enjoys good writing and a good story.--Kirkus ReviewsWith good humor and a light touch, Brown, at times, gently pokes fun at himself and his colleagues while still maintaining respect for our government as an institution. Brown is an unabashed partisan, but he also goes out of his way at times to provide the reader with what he believes are both sides of an issue. In an era in which sound bites and scandals dominate the news, Brown has provided readers with a very real and rare treat; a well written and reflective book from an insiders vantage point.--Northwest Ohio QuarterlyCongress from the Inside has received high praise from the academic and political worlds for its intimate look at Washington politics. Ideal for both classroom and armchair reading, Browns book depicts the inner workings and deal-makings of Congress. He walks the reader through the crafting of legislation and tours the offices and meeting rooms where so much of the work of the legislature is done, introducing us to the names and faces of power. With incisive candor, Brown exposes the strengths and weaknesses, successes and failures, diversity and elitism of the U. S. Congress.This third edition of Congress from the Inside is completely revised, updated, and expanded to include five new chapters. Now in his sixth term, Congressman Brown discusses the 2000 election, September 11, and redistricting. He also examines how Congress is influenced by the drug industry, the public health agenda, and the war in Iraq.Having served six terms as U.S. representative from Ohios 13th congressional district, Democrat Sherrod Brown was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2006.

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CONGRESS
FROM THE INSIDE
Two of S HERROD B ROWNS passions are baseball and politics He has represented - photo 1
Two of S HERROD B ROWNS passions are baseball and politics. He has represented Ohios 13th Congressional District since 1992, after having served for two decades as a state politician, initially in the Ohio legislature and then as Ohios Secretary of State. Brown, from Lorain, Ohio, is currently the ranking Democrat on the House Commerce Subcommittee on Health and the Environment.
He plays center field and leads off for the Democrats in the annual congressional baseball game.
CONGRESS
FROM THE INSIDE
OBSERVATIONS FROM
THE MAJORITY AND
THE MINORITY
Sherrod Brown
The Kent State University Press
KENT, OHIO, AND LONDON
1999, 2000, 2003 by The Kent State University Press, Kent, Ohio 44242
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 2003113910
ISBN 0-87338-7929-9
Manufactured in the United States of America
Third edition
07 06 05 04 03 5 4 3
Political cartoons by Dick Bartlett reprinted with permission.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brown, Sherrod, 1952
Congress from the inside : observations from the majority and the minority /
by Sherrod Brown.3rd ed.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 0-87338-792-9 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. United States. Congress. 2. Political partiesUnited States. 3. United States
Politics and government1989 I. Title.
2003113910
British Library Cataloging-in-Publication data are available.
To my daughters, Emily and Elizabeth,
who are already pursuing lives of service.
To my mother, Emily Campbell Brown, who helped
to teach them and me about social justice.
And to Connie, who changed my life.
CONTENTS

Election 1992: Getting There

In the District

In Committee

In the Chamber

The Budget

The North American Free Trade Agreement

The Great Health Care Debate

The Crime Bill

The Mail, the Phones, and Other Things

Election 1994

Intelligence and Surveillance

The Coup and the Revolution

Storming the Palace: The Government Shutdown

The Counteroffensive: M2E2

The Truce

The Campaign

The 105th Congress

Election 1998 and the 106th Congress

Florida 2000, Class Warfare, and a Missed Opportunity

September 11 and the 107th Congress

Redistricting

A Case Study of the Drug Industry and Its Political Power in the Halls of Congress

Tuberculosis: How an Issue Gets on the Public Agenda

War in Iraq

Postscript
PREFACE
T HIS BOOK IS ABOUT POLITICS , elections, governing, and people... powerful people. Not a kiss-and-tell, its an instructive book of what my first terms in Congress were like and what has transpired in the years since.
This story of a newly elected representative navigating his way through Congress begins in hopeful times, when most of us were optimistic that partisan gridlock was over, as a huge, diverse, goal-oriented freshman class was sworn in.
My five completed terms in Congress have provided an interesting perspective in a unique period of congressional history. The 103d Congress in 199394, the first time in over a decade when one party controlled the presidency and both houses of Congress, saw a brief period of high public expectation and a longer period of low performance. A decisive portion of the electorate thought that we moved too far too fast, especially on the budget and the crime bill. At the same time, we failed the public by our inability to pass health care reform, in large part because our efforts were characterized as proposing radical reform. And the Democratic president disappointed large numbers of Democrats and enraged Perot voters with his aggressive lobbying for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
My second term saw a group of dispirited Democrats defending our values against a buoyant crowd of Republicans who thought Americas political world had changed dramatically, permanently, and irreversibly. Republicans in the House passed, with great ideological fervor, issue after issue. Debate was limited; their certitude and determination were not. They felt certain that they were the vanguard of a movement that would elect a conservative president in 1996 and govern the country with conservative principles well into the next century. Before the government shutdown in late 1995, many Democrats thought they might be right. But by 1996, the Democrats seemed almost ascendant and the Republicans were in disarray. GOP bills died in the Senate or were vetoed by the president. Democrats realized that the public supported them on Medicare, education, and the environment. Republicans who came to Congress in 1994 ended up, to the horror of many of them, passing in 1996 an increase in the minimum wage, strengthening some environmental laws, and appropriating more money for educationnot because very many of them wanted to do so, but because they wanted to be reelected.
My third term, when the Republicans held the slimmest majority that either party has held since the early days of the Great Depression, saw a cautious time for an embattled Speaker, a struggle for power among embittered members of the majority leadership, and a Congress that accomplished very little. Congress was to be in session only eighty-nine legislative days in 1997, one of the most abysmal marks in decades. As John Dingell quipped, Most of those days didnt start until 5:00. And 1998 was even less productive.
Many of the Republican Revolutionaries of the Class of 1994 expressed their unhappiness with GOP leadership and their leaderships unwillingness to pursue the Republican agenda. Lindsey Graham, one of the most outspoken members of that class, muttered, Its about time to practice one or two things we preach. Ultraconservative Steve Largent, an Oklahoma Republican, after seeing a new round of spending unveiled by fellow GOP Transportation chairman Bud Shuster, proclaimed, The revolution is over.
In many ways, Congress itself has not recovered from the strategy adopted by Newt Gingrich almost twenty years ago. His years of incessant criticism of Congress enabled Republicans in 1994 to take control of a Congress with which the American public was increasingly angry. Today, and into the foreseeable future, all of us in CongressRepublicans and Democrats alikemust live with the extraordinarily low regard in which the public holds us and the institution to which we belong. And unfortunately, the public is paying the price.
Conflict is inherent to governing, to politics, to policy making. That same conflict, which, productively, can result in legislation and reform, can also incite anger out of legitimate (and illegitimate) differences. Many observers think our zeal and partisanship too childish, that much too often we disingenuously posture for partisan gain. But these displays of passion and anger, and even the barbs, are rhetorical outlets for those same deeply held beliefs. While the words may be vituperative, or even violent and vengeful, they are still only words. On a larger, societal scale this charged rhetoric helps us to avoid a domestic situation such as that in Bosnia or Rwanda, the kind of civil rancor and animosity that can divide and destroy a society.
In the past, underneath the partisan tension there was often a fundamental respect and collegiality among members of Congress that crossed party lines. Unfortunately some of that seems to have vanished. Today were less likely to be colleagues
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