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Michael Radu - Dangerous Neighborhood: Contemporary Issues in Turkeys Foreign Relations

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Michael Radu Dangerous Neighborhood: Contemporary Issues in Turkeys Foreign Relations
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Contemporary Turkish politics have long been roiled by cultural and social debates rooted in the legacy of modernization initiated in the 1920s by Mustafa Kemal Atati?1/2rk. Islamist challenges to Ataturks secularism, to political corruption and economic inefficiency, and debates over the meaning of human rights, all remain open to argument-in Ankara as well as elsewhere. Undoubtedly they exert influence on Turkeys position in world affairs and reinforce its double identity between the West and the Islamic world. Dangerous Neighborhood examines Turkish foreign policy problems, both with its immediate neighbors in the Caucasus and Middle East and in its essential strategic relations with the European Union and the United States. How important is Washington for Turkeys strategic interests, considering its controversial relations with the European Union? The Kurdish problem has affected Turkeys bid for EU membership, and also its relations with the United States as the war on terrorism is pursued. Are Turkish values and national interests, based on the legacy of Atati?1/2rk, compatible with minority rights, as defined by the European Union, and if not, why not? Moreover, is there any advantage to Turkey in joining the European Union, or is the price too high, relating to human rights concessions and legal issues? These important questions are examined in this volume. In the Caucasus, Turkey is an important factor, if for no other reason than its size and common borders. Turkeys role, whether Ankara likes it or not, remains important for both Russian ambitions and local ethnic groups seeking either autonomy or independence-Chechens, Abkhaz, Circassians, among others. Ankaras dilemma is whether to support co-nationals and co-religionists or to seek normal relations with Moscow. The solution to this dilemma is debated in this volume. In other parts of the world, Turkey also plays a central role. For example, Ankaras close military and political relations with Israel contribute to a different strategic and military balance in the Middle East. Turkeys views are seldom made public, and few Turks have believed it is important to present their case. This book, with contributors from Turkey as well as the West, is intended in part to broaden understanding of Turkeys position. Dangerous Neighborhood will be of interest to political scientists, foreign policy analysts, and Middle East specialists.

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Dangerous Neighborhood
Michael S. Radu
editor
Contemporary Issues in Turkeys Foreign Relations
Dangerous Neighborhood
Dangerous Neighborhood Contemporary Issues in Turkeys Foreign Relations - image 1
First published 2003 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 2003 by The Foreign Policy Research Institute, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2002028929
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dangerous neighborhood : contemporary issues in Turkeys foreign relations / Michael S. Radu, editor.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-7658-0166-3 (alk. paper)
1. TurkeyForeign relations1980- I. Radu, Michael.
DR477 .D36 2002
327.561dc21 2002028929
ISBN 13: 978-0-7658-0166-1 (hbk)
Contents
Michael Radu
Aslan Gndz
Hseyin Bac
Paul Henze
Ali Murat Kknar
Svante E. Cornell
Michael Radu
Efraim Inbar
Birol A. Yeilada
Many people at the Foreign Policy Research Institute have contributed to the preparation of this volume. Orbis Managing Editors Steven Winterstein and Trudy Kuehner were unfailingly helpful in shepherding the manuscripts through the publication process, and my assistant, Miguel Chamorro, provided prompt and thorough research assistance and stoic shouldering of so many technical details.
The support of FPRIs staff was outstanding, as was the support and Turkish language assistance from the Assembly of Turkish American Associations (ATAA) of Washington. A grant from ATAA helped transform the original Orbis issue dedicated to Turkey (Winter 2001) into the present volume.
Many other friends of minesome neutral, others well versed in the arguments on one side or anothershared their often strong views on Turkey and Turkish matters with me. These represented the whole range of opinion, and all were taken into consideration and greatly appreciated. I am especially glad that even where ultimately I decided to simply take some arguments under advisement, they remain my friends.
Michael Radu
Introduction Turkeys Dangerous Neighborhood by Michael Radu In November 2001 - photo 2
Introduction
Turkeys Dangerous Neighborhood
by Michael Radu
In November 2001 the Ankara government announced that it would dispatch a contingent of 90 officers and noncommissioned officers to Afghanistan to train (Uzbek) elements of the United Front, as part of the U.S.led, antiTaliban coalition against terrorism. Foreign Minister smail Cem also subsequently announced that Turkey would send a much larger contingent as part of the international force being assembled for postTaliban Afghanistan, making Turkey the only Muslim state to do so openly. The announcement came at a time when polls showed the Turkish public to be 80 percent opposed to military participation and the government coalition in general to have no more than 10 percent popular support.1 One could wonder where here is loyalty to the legacy of reform from above left by Mustafa Kemal Atatrk, the legendary founder of the Turkish Republic These decisions speak volumes about the contemporary Turkish state and the nature of Turkish foreign policy making. The decisions underscore both Ankaras Kemalist legacy and the issues Turkey faces in shaping its relationships with the European Union and the United States.
The Search for Identity and Policy Problems
Foreign Minister Cems November announcements have to be seen in the context of the intenseand largely falsedebate continuing in Turkey today that has led to this apparently shaky democracy and contradictory foreign policy. That debate is about Atatrks legacy. This volume examines the parts of that legacy relevant to Turkeys foreign policy today, and the three distinct branches that have grown from it.
First are the Islamists, supported by some 15 to 25 percent of Turkish voters, who believe that Atatrks nationalism, secularism, and self-reliance are contrary to Islams notion of a religious community (umma) transcending national boundaries. These Islamists and their supporters also believe that the Turkish economic nationalism of the 1960s and 1970s was correct, and that economic development, which they define as consumerism, is contrary to Islam. But local elected politicians have the local interests of their electorate in mindhence such anomalies as a Turkish town trying to cash in on Santa Klaus.2
Second are those among the politically important and popularly supported military leadership, for the most part, as well as the civil servants of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who realize that Atatrks economic (as distinct from cultural and political) nationalism, as expressed by Ankaras import substitution policies during the 1960s and 1970s, has failed and is not a reliable underpinning for policies for today. Significant in this respect is a press conference held on January 8, 2002 by Gen. Hseyin Kvrkolu, the Chief of the General Staff of Turkeys military forces. Kvrkolu dealt with some decidedly non-military issues, such as corruption among civilian politicians, but also with security issues, including relations with Greece.3 Kvrkolu had no opinion on the issue of the banking sectors looming bankruptcy and complained about the European Unions failure to list Turkish terrorist groups on its list of terrorist organizations, but, reflecting a more general military skepticism about the EU, he stated that he had predicted that decision. Most interestingly, since the press conference statements reflect the consensus of Turkeys most important and popular institution, the general stated I think EU countries have some fears, since if they expel the terrorist organizations or make opposition to them, they become afraid of being a target of these organizations. They come to this situation as a result of their support of these organizations.4 He was not only expressing a popular Turkish opinion, he was also correct.
This leads to the third, and least influential or popular, element of Turkeys policy makersthe politicians, all civilian, most popularly discredited as corrupt and ineffective, none remaining in power long as the public tires of their inevitable cases of corruption.
Finally, from the 1960s on, and particularly since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, there is the pull of the 4-million-strong Turkish diaspora in Western Europe, largely ethnic Turks and Kurds in Germany, who are far more nationalistic and Islamic-oriented than most Turkey natives are, and the tens of millions of Turkic speakers in the former Soviet republics of Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Khirghizstan, and Kazakstan, whose elites, if not necessarily their peoples, are interested in Turkeys unique mix of Islam and Western secular values.
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