Michael Radu - The New Insurgencies: Anticommunist Guerrillas in the Third World
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The appearance of ideologically motivated anti-communist insurgent groups in the Third World is an important new phenomenon that has received little serious attention. Analysis has focused on American attitudes, while the indigenous roots and motivations of such groups have remained largely unexplored. Michael Radu fills in the gap in The New Insurgencies, with case studies and contributions from Anthony Arnold, Paul Henze, Justus van de Kroef, and Jack Wheeler.As the authors show, more often than not, Third World anti-communist insurgencies express a general rejection of values and ideologies from outsiders. Many of these insurgencies reflect violent opposition to regimes installed by the Soviets during the 1970s, yet they only rarely articulate a struggle for liberal democracy. Nationalism, religion, or the preservation of traditional political and economic patterns are more often the true motivations. And while insurgents often apply military and occasionally political methods used by successful Marxist-Leninist insurgencies of this century, they tend to be rural based and close to the aspirations of the peasant masses rather than directed by the educated and urbanized elites.The New Insurgencies includes case studies of major anti-communist movements today, including those in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Angola, and Nicaragua. It shows that in each, the role of local powers such as South Africa, Thailand, and Pakistan rather than direct U.S. support has been critical to the insurgents effectiveness. In part this may be because the old bipartisan Washington consensus based on anti-communism has evaporated; and Radu explores why this has occurred.Regardless of Washingtons support, the new insurgencies are likely to persist. Their impact on U.S., Soviet, and world policy will be profound. The New Insurgencies combines extensive use of firsthand data, including personal knowledge of some of the major personalities involved, with extensive bibliographic information. It is an essential tool for specialists in international relations, military affairs, and U.S. foreign policy, as well as those interested in understanding changes in Soviet domestic and international policy.
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THE NEW INSURGENCIES
A Foreign Policy Research Institute Book
This book is part of a series of works sponsored by the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia. Founded in 1955, the institute is an independent, nonprofit organization devoted to research on issues affecting the interests of the United States.
THE NEW INSURGENCIES
Anticommunist Guerrillas in the Third World
Michael Radu
With contributions by
Anthony Arnold, Paul Henze, Justus van der Kroef,
and Jack Wheeler
Anthony Arnold, Paul Henze, Justus van der Kroef,
and Jack Wheeler
First published 1990 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1990 by Michael Radu
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 89-35249
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The New insurgencies: anti-communist guerrillas in the Third World / [edited by] Michael Radu; with contributions by Anthony Arnold ... [et al.].
p.cm.
A Foreign Policy Research Institute book - Prelim. p.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-88738-307-6
1. Anti-communist movements Developing countries. 2. Guerrillas Developing countries History 20th century. 3. Developing countries Politics and government. I. Radu, Michael. II. Arnold, Anthony.
| D883.N49 1989 | |
| 303.64-dc20 | 89-35249 CIP |
ISBN 13: 978-0-88738-307-6 (hbk)
Contents
Michael Radu
Paul B. Henze
Michael Radu
Jack Wheeler
Justus van der Kroej
Anthony Arnold
Michael Radu
Michael Radu
The Nature of the Phenomenon
The Century of the Guerrilla
Irregular warfare has become the dominant form of war. Unlike conventional wars of this and past centuries, which generally had clear starting and ending points, guerrilla wars seldom begin or end on a specific date. Insurgencies continue for many years, even when the chances of victory are remote or nonexistent. In fact, the very meaning of victory in such wars is drastically different from victory in conventional conflicts: for the governments under attack by insurgents, victory often means the containment rather than the eradication of the guerrillas.
Thus, the British won the Malaya campaign of the 1950s when the Communist party of Malaya (CPM) ceased operating in large areas of the peninsula; Communist guerrillas, however, still operate sporadically in peninsular Malaysia today, almost two decades after the end of the conflict. The case of the Omani, British, and Iranian victory over the Dhofar insurgents was far more clearcut, but peculiar circumstances and an unusual terrain played a unique role in that conflict.1 In Colombia, where the first Communist insurgency started sometime in the late 1950s, the government still faces a continuing challenge from a number of Marxist-Leninist guerrilla groups. None of these groups has ever threatened the existence of the Colombian government, but the government has not been able to eradicate them and completely pacify the countryside, either. This pattern of an insurgency never deadly but never quite dead has plagued the governments of Burma since the 1950s, Guatemala since 1962, Thailand since the 1950s, South Africa (in Namibia and to some extent at home) and Ethiopia since the 1960s, and Nicaragua since 1961.
The Philippines is still the only place in which US military advice and force can claim a decisive share in a victory over a Communist insurgency, over the Huks of the 1950s and early 1960s. However, the first supreme commander of the new and still highly successful New Peoples Army (NPA), Bernab Buscayno (Commander Dante), now a legitimate politician, was once a Huk leader.2
There are more examples of such indecisive campaigns: Cambodia, Morocco, Chad, Angola, and Mozambique all are countries experiencing more than fifteen years of internal irregular warfare. Insurgencies in El Salvador, Peru, Uganda, Indonesia, Afghanistan, and other countries are at least ten years old. It has become increasingly clear that the twentieth century, which invented the concept of total war, has also seen permanent internal war develop into a universal phenomenon. Indeed, a growing number of countries, almost all in the Third World, have by now experienced a state of internal war for at least a generation. Cases on three continents, including Colombia, Uganda, the Philippines, Israel, South Africa, Namibia, and Angola, confirm both the geographic and cultural scope of the phenomenon. Finally, in political and legal terms, although the permanent wars phenomenon is a highly unorthodox form of conflict in that none of them has resulted in a formal declaration of war, the concept itself seems to be at least selectively accepted as legitimate by such international sources of public opinion as the International Court of Justice and, particularly, the General Assembly of the United Nations. The implication is that guerrilla wars are acceptable, even legitimate, as long as they have a degree of moral acceptance; the problem is that the criteria of acceptance and ultimately the moral values justifying them are decided by governments whose values and political mores have little in common with those of the West.
In contemporary global political discourse, Japan, New Zealand, Australia, Israel, Western Europe, the United States, and Canada (and sometimes even South Africa, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong), are all considered Western. The implicit distinction is between such advanced and essentially politically tolerant countries and the overwhelming majority of states. However, neither language nor political tradition justifies lumping together such diverse countries.
Dismissing the UN or world opinion as misguided or irrelevant, a constant temptation for Western conservatives, raises more questions than it answers, however, especially at a time when a strong Western stance supporting democracy and morality, and the will to enforce it, are increasingly lacking.
The persistence of terrorism, which in itself could be seen as a form of irregular warfare and is always part of guerrilla wars, complicates the picture even further.3 Terrorism is not simply an adjunct of insurgency; it often takes on a life of its own and becomes a goal rather than a means, especially when used in democratic or relatively democratic countries. Terrorism for its own sake has sporadically plagued the United States (mostly, but not exclusively in regard to Puerto Rico), France, the United Kingdom, West Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy for at least the past fifteen years. However, outside Western Europe, the United States, South Africa, and the Southern Cone of South America, terrorism has seldom flourished for long. In other words, it is primarily in heavily urbanized, industrialized, and most often democratic countries that terrorism, as represented by Action Directe in France, the Red Army Faction in West Germany, the Communist Combatant Cells in Belgium, or the SLA and Weathermen in the United States, has played the most significant role.
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