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John Eatwell - The Fall and Rise of Keynesian Economics

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During the 1970s, monetarism and the new classical macroeconomics ushered in an era of neoliberal economic policymaking. Keynesian economics was pushed aside. It was almost forgotten that when Keynesian thinking had dominated economic policymaking in the middle decades of the twentieth century, it had coincided with postwar economic reconstruction in both Europe and Japan, and the unprecedented prosperity and stable growth of the 1950s and 1960s. The global financial crisis of 2007-2009 and the recession that followed changed all that. Influential voices in both academic economics and amongst policy-makers and commentators began to remind us how useful Keynesian ways of thinking could be, especially in coming to terms with our current economic predicaments. When politicians across the globe were confronted with economic crisis, they introduced pragmatic and workable measures that bore all the hallmarks of Keynesianism. This book is about the fall and rise of Keynesian economics.
Eatwell and Milgate range widely across the landscape that defines their subject matter. They consider how powerful Keynesian ideas can be when applied to past and present economic problems. They show how helpful these ideas are in explaining why we came to find ourselves in the disorder we are in. They examine where and how the analytical and methodological foundations of conventional macroeconomic wisdom went wrong. They set out a blueprint for an alternative that provides a clearer, more consistent, and more applicable approach to understanding how markets work. They also highlight the interpretive shortcomings that have come to characterize Keynes scholarship itself. They do all of this within the context of a provocative reconsideration of some of the most pressing economic problems that confront financial markets and the global economy today. They conclude that Keynesian ideas are not just for crises, but for constructive economic policy making at all times.

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The Fall and Rise of Keynesian Economics

Finance and the Economy
A CERF Series edited by John Eatwell

The Cambridge Endowment for Research in Finance (CERF) was founded in 2001 as an independent resource at the University of Cambridge. It is dedicated to developing an enhanced understanding of the evolution and behaviour of financial markets and institutions, notably in their role as major determinants of economic behaviour and performance. CERF promotes theoretical, quantitative and historical studies, crossing conventional disciplinary boundaries to bring together research groups of economists, mathematicians, lawyers, historians, computer scientists and market practitioners. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the impact of financial market activity on the formulation of public policy. As well as individual research projects, CERF funds Cambridge Finance, the organisation that brings together researchers in finance from all departments of Cambridge University. The CERF series of publications on Finance and the Economy embodies new research in these areas.

Global Governance of Financial Systems: The International Regulation of Systemic Risk

Edited by Kern Alexander, Rahul Dhumale, and John Eatwell

Identifying International Financial Contagion: Progress and Challenges

Edited by Mardi Dungey and Demosthenes N. Tambakis

Transmission of Financial Crises and Contagion: A Latent Factor Approach

Edited by Mardi Dungey, Rene A. Fry, Brenda Gonzlez-Hermosillo, and Vance L. Martin

The Fall and Rise of Keynesian Economics

John Eatwell and Murray Milgate

The Fall and Rise of Keynesian Economics

JOHN EATWELL AND MURRAY MILGATE

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Eatwell, John.
The fall and rise of keynesian economics /
John Eatwell and Murray Milgate.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-977769-3 (cloth. : alk. paper)
1. Keynesian economics. 2. Economic history19181945.
3. Economic history1945I. Milgate, Murray. II. Title.
HB99.7.E26 2011

330.156dc222010032103

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2

Contents
Preface

The global financial crisis and the world recession it produced were the latest in a series of crises that have come to plague the international economy. Such crises have become increasingly frequent and more intense as the liberalization of financial markets accelerated after the collapse of the Bretton Woods system some forty years ago. That each of them cannot be treated as an isolated event with solitary causes, but were instead events that shared common origins, has become clear to us all. Their origins, we now find, reside in part in the consequences of a process of financial liberalization that was allowed to proceed without sufficient consideration being given to the magnification of systemic risk it entailed, and in part in the consequences of the neoliberal dogmas that came to dominate practical policymaking during those same years.

The almost hypnotic power of these failed dogmas should not be underestimated. There are grown men and womensome even among professional economistswho continue to maintain that there are no multiplier effects to be had from loan expenditure undertaken by governments during a slump. It is still possible to hear the wrong-headed opinion that while an increase in public indebtedness during a recession is to be avoided at all costs, an increase in the aggregate of private indebtedness on a similar scale (supposedly easily engineered simply by getting credit channels flowing) offers an entirely unproblematic solution to our present problems.

There remain a few academic economists continuing to promote the perverse idea that in times of actual or threatened deflation, widespread spare capacity, and involuntary unemploymentwith world growth, effective demand, and investor and consumer confidence all fragilewe should focus all our attention on the remote possibility of inflation down the line. There are politicians who warn us that by borrowing for current spending we are transferring the burden of repayment to future generations, apparently not noticing that if we actually had such magical powers, future generations would simply use them to do the same thing when the time came.

There are authorities and policymakers urging us to do something about the huge budget deficit; and there are not a few European governments actually instituting swinging cuts in public spending to reduce the ratio of the deficit to GDP (some of them, admittedly, against their will)seemingly without any discernable concern for the economic consequences of what they are saying and doing. Even when school-children begin to learn about fractions, one of the first things they are taught is that a fraction can be lowered either by reducing its numerator or increasing its denominator (or by doing a bit of both). But when that fraction is the ratio of the budget deficit to GDP, it is surprising how many seem to forget entirely their elementary arithmetic and proceed to speak as if the only way to reduce that ratio is to cut the deficit. This would be misleading enoughsince the objective might just as well be achieved by thinking of ways of increasing GDPbut it is positively crazy if cutting expenditure may decrease GDP. This is a lesson that the European Union has chosen to learn the hard wayas governments from Greece and Ireland, through to Italy, Spain, Portugal, Germany, and Britain, are slashing public expenditures to reduce the deficit. The U.S. administration is understandably concerned.

Then there is the national debt to be considered. Should this be as worrying a thing in our present circumstances as we are led to believe it is? Those who urge us to think so, often speak of it as a mountain of debt. They mention, for example, that in the United States during 2010 it was increasing by $3.8 billion every daynot noticing that without some point of reference, this number on its own is completely meaningless. Or they talk about the ratio of debt to GDP and the mess we are in because of itforgetting that the mess we are in is the result of a global recession (caused by a financial crisis) from which recovery appears to be slow at best. Moreover, just what this particular ratio actually tells us about how vulnerable we are, since it is the ratio of a stock to a flow, is difficult to say. If we imagine that it has reached, say, one to one (100%), what would that mean? Before answering, it is well to remember that for most ordinary citizens with a mortgage, the ratio of their

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