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Thomas Fleming - The Perils of Peace: Americas Struggle for Survival After Yorktown

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Thomas Fleming The Perils of Peace: Americas Struggle for Survival After Yorktown
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Riveting and suspenseful This is history the way we all wish it could be writtenand experienced. Richard Smith, author of Patriarch: George Washington and the New American Nation

On October 19, 1781, Great Britains best army surrendered to General George Washington at Yorktown. But the future of the 13 former colonies was far from clear. A 13,000 man British army still occupied New York City, and another 13,000 regulars and armed loyalists were scattered from Canada to Savannah, Georgia. Meanwhile, Congress had declined to a mere 24 members, and the national treasury was empty. The American army had not been paid for years and was on the brink of mutiny.

In Europe, Americas only ally, France, teetered on the verge of bankruptcy and was soon reeling from a disastrous naval defeat in the Caribbean. A stubborn George III dismissed Yorktown as a minor defeat and refused to yield an acre of my dominions in America. In Paris, Ambassador Benjamin Franklin confronted violent hostility to France among his fellow members of the American peace delegation.

Thomas Fleming moves elegantly between the key players in this drama and shows that the outcome we take for granted was far from certain. With fresh research and masterful storytelling, Fleming breathes new life into this tumultuous but little known period in Americas history.

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THOMAS FLEMING
The Perils of Peace
Americas Struggle for Survival
After Yorktown
Contents I HAVE BEEN THINKING about writing this book for a long time - photo 1
Contents

I HAVE BEEN THINKING about writing this book for a long time. So my gratitude for help from many people extends far into my past. High on my list is historian and friend Richard Buel, whose highly original research into the economic impact of the Revolution has been an inspiration. The late Richard B. Morris, author of the pathbreaking book, The Peacemakers, was another much earlier inspiration. Also important was Robert Cowley, the former editor of MHQ, the Quarterly Journal of Military History, who kept me writing about the Revolution while I was working on my historical novels. Helpful in myriad ways were the librarians of Yale University, where I spent many summer days doing research. Other librarians were equally helpful in recent years. Lewis Daniels, head of the Westbrook (Conn.) library, had an almost magical ability to conjure needed books by interlibrary loan. That was equally true of Patrick Rayner of the New York Society Library and Gregory H. Gallagher of the Century Association library. At least as important was help I received from my son, Richard Fleming, whose computer expertise enabled me to plumb the growing riches of research on the Internet. Steven Bernstein helped me explore the Library of Congress and other Washington, D.C., collections. My friend Jim Dingeman obtained Internet access to doctoral theses at the Columbia University Library. Barbara Mitnick, whose books demonstrate her expertise in historical images, gave me illuminating advice in the search for the right pictures. My wife, Alice Fleming, was indefatigable in tracking down the best version of the desired image, no matter how elusive it proved to be. Finally, my special thanks goes to that invisible but essential counselor, my editor, Elisabeth Kallick Dyssegaard, for her invaluable suggestions and encouragement.
I HAVE WRITTEN many historical narratives in my career as a historian and historical novelist. While I have the greatest respect for the analytic and intellectual historians who have enriched our understanding of the past, I remain convinced that for most readers, narrative remains crucial to the historical enterprise. A good narrative is a living creature, a flowing river that carries the reader from the questioning first pages through the turbulent tangled middle to the (hopefully) climactic close. Few other reading experiences can approach its rewards.
A historical narrative is more than a good storyalthough that quality is essential to its success. The word narrative comes from the Latin root, narrare, which means to know or understand. If the words flow through unexplored territory, so much the better for that wonderfully ambiguous phrase, the readers interest. Surprise is a much-undervalued ingredient of a good historical narrative. If the historian too is among the surprised, the result is likely to be even more rewarding for all concerned.
All these components are the background for this book. I launched it knowing I was attempting to explore a hitherto-untold storythe struggle for peace and political stability on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean in the two years after the 1781 American victory at Yorktown. Excellent books have been written about the peace negotiations in Europe. Not a few histories of the Revolution have dramatic accounts of the rancid politics that made the precarious union of the thirteen states a dubious bet. But there has been no attempt to see the often-hair-raising interplay of these dramas. I have found the fusion richer than I ever thought possible, not only in political and military twists and turns but also in revelations about the national characters of all the countries in the tangled storyAmerica, Britain, France, Spain, and Holland.
On both sides of the Atlantic, unexpected hitherto-unrecognized heroes emerged. In Britain it was Edmund Burke, a name largely familiar to American readers as the giver of a magnificent speech in 1775, reprobating George III and his followers for plunging into war with America. In 1782 he was the member of Parliament whose courage confronted the intransigent king and uncrowned him. In improbable tandem was a man Burke hated, the immensely wealthy William Petty, The Earl of Shelburne, a tormented mixture of conservative fears and liberal ideals. In France there was the veteran foreign minister Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes, a man who saw England as an unrelenting enemy that had to be cut down to size if France were to regain her lost glory. But at a moment of ultimate suspense, he envisioned the possibility of lasting peace with Perfidious Albion. Beside him stands bewildered, uncertain Louis XVI, only twenty when he mounted the throne in 1774, forever yearning to be his own prime minister, an unexpectedly tragic figure.
In America, there was James Madisonnot the magisterial author of the Constitution, but the slim, bashful, boyish-looking Continental congressman who fought the forces of parochialism and self interest that were threatening to destroy the fragile union. At the other end of the age range, seventy-six-year-old Benjamin Franklin repeatedly rescued the American alliance with France from the insatiable (his phrase) greed of Congress for ever-larger loans. Simultaneously Franklin had to explain away wrongheaded fellow diplomats such as John Adams, who arrogantly informed the French that Americans did not feel an iota of gratitude for their help.
Finally there wasand isGeorge Washington. In this narrative he is not the conquering battlefield hero. He is a man who has emerged from six years of war with no illusions about the American character. He is still a soldier, but he has also acquired a profound appreciation of the importance of politics. Amazingly, he has also managed to retain his vision of what America could become. His reward, in these two years, is torment and even heartbreak. The tears he weeps in his last days as commander in chief of the Continental Army acquire a new, immensely powerful dimension, far more meaningful for contemporary Americans than they were to the Americans of 1783.
O N OCTOBER 19, 1781, outside the small tobacco port of Yorktown, Virginia, on the narrow peninsula that jutted into the York River where it joined Chesapeake Bay, soldiers of two nations faced each other on opposite sides of a narrow dirt road. On the left in two ranks, hefting polished muskets, stood the regiments of the French expeditionary force in gleaming white uniforms and black gaiters. Beside them their officers glittered with gold braid; their cocked hats sprouted white, green, and red plumes.
Facing these European professionals on the opposite side of the road stood the regiments of the Continental Army of the United States, wearing improvised uniforms of fringed white hunting shirts and linen pantaloons, buttoned around the calves. Only their officers wore the blue coats with buff facings and the buff breeches that had recently been designated as their official uniform. The Continentals posture was nonetheless proudly martial, and their French-made muskets had as much shine as elbow grease could lend them. From the elation gleaming on every face, there was no doubt that they considered themselves equal partners in the momentous event that was about to transpire.
Behind the Continentals stood another line of soldiersmilitiamen from Maryland and Virginia. These were temporary warriors, summoned to participate in the military drama by their state governors. Uniforms were nowhere to be seen in this rank; officers and men wore rough work clothes and many of the enlisted men were barefoot.
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