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Anne Gray Fischer - The Streets Belong to Us: Sex, Race, and Police Power from Segregation to Gentrification

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The Streets Belong to Us: Sex, Race, and Police Power from Segregation to Gentrification: summary, description and annotation

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Police power was built on womens bodies.
Men, especially Black men, often stand in as the ultimate symbol of the mass incarceration crisis in the United States. Women are treated as marginal, if not overlooked altogether, in histories of the criminal legal system. In The Streets Belong to Usa searing history of women and police in the modern United StatesAnne Gray Fischer narrates how sexual policing fueled a dramatic expansion of police power. The enormous discretionary power that police officers wield to surveil, target, and arrest anyone they deem suspicious was tested, legitimized, and legalized through the policing of womens sexuality and their right to move freely through city streets.
Throughout the twentieth century, police departments achieved a stunning consolidation of urban authority through the strategic discretionary enforcement of morals laws, including disorderly conduct, vagrancy, and other prostitution-related misdemeanors. Between Prohibition in the 1920s and the rise of broken windows policing in the 1980s, police targeted white and Black women in distinct but interconnected ways. These tactics reveal the centrality of racist and sexist myths to the justification and deployment of state power. Sexual policing did not just enhance police power. It also transformed cities from segregated sites of urban vice into the gentrified sites of Black displacement and banishment we live in today. By illuminating both the racial dimension of sexual liberalism and the gender dimension of policing in Black neighborhoods, The Streets Belong to Us illustrates the decisive role that race, gender, and sexuality played in the construction of urban police regimes.

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The Streets Belong to Us Justice Power and Politics COEDITORS Heather - photo 1
The Streets Belong to Us
Justice, Power, and Politics
COEDITORS
Heather Ann Thompson
Rhonda Y. Williams
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Peniel E. Joseph
Daryl Maeda
Barbara Ransby
Vicki L. Ruiz
Marc Stein
The Justice, Power, and Politics series publishes new works in history that explore the myriad struggles for justice, battles for power, and shifts in politics that have shaped the United States over time. Through the lenses of justice, power, and politics, the series seeks to broaden scholarly debates about Americas past as well as to inform public discussions about its future.
More information on the series, including a complete list of books published, is available at http://justicepowerandpolitics.com/.
The Streets Belong to Us
Sex, Race, and Police Power from Segregation to Gentrification
ANNE GRAY FISCHER The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill 2022 - photo 2
ANNE GRAY FISCHER
The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill
2022 Anne Gray Fischer
All rights reserved
Set in Charis by Westchester Publishing Services
Manufactured in the United States of America
The University of North Carolina Press has been a member of the Green Press Initiative since 2003.
Complete Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021049408.
ISBN 978-1-4696-6504-7 (cloth: alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-4696-6505-4 (ebook)
Cover illustration: Historic photo of Portland, Oregon, vice squad. Photo courtesy of The Oregonian.
For my mother, Robin Fischer (19492012)
Contents
Illustrations and Maps
Illustrations
You Give Me Five Dollars, political cartoon,
She may look clean but ,
Black woman and white man, 1965,
White woman in the Combat Zone,
Atlanta antiprostitution protest and counterprotest,
The Shared Vision,
Combahee River Collective action,
Gay Community News street trial images,
Maps
South Los Angeles, ca. 1960,
Downtown Boston, ca. 1975,
Midtown and downtown Atlanta, ca. 1985,
The Streets Belong to Us
Introduction
Built on Womens Bodies
We are staging out here on Las Vegas Boulevard, Officer Calvin Wandick told a ride-along television crew for Cops in 2012. This is one of the main fairways for working girls. So were going to be patrolling, and see what kind of crime we can stop. Then Wandick got down to work, pulling two Black women out of the crowd for an interrogation.
His line of questioning concerned the womens age, their clothes, and what was really in the bottles of iced tea they were carrying. One woman was nineteen years oldbelow the legal drinking age. Officer Raquita Reyes, Wandicks partner, demanded to know how long the woman had been working, while Wandick rifled through her purse and took out her pepper spray, tactical pen, and condoms. Turning her tools of personal protection into evidence against her, Wandick concluded, Shes out here for all the wrong reasons, even though when the officers stopped her, she had only been engaging in the common practice of underage drinking. Apparently being a poor Black woman in public was enough to constitute all the wrong reasons.
The woman saw it differently. Im a human being just like everybody else, she protested as Wandick cuffed her. Im not doing nothing but walking up and down, looking at the lights. Why shouldnt she have the same right to the street as any of the thousands of nightly visitors to the Las Vegas Strip?
Officers routinely apprehend Black women for less. Television shows like Cops feature police detaining women for lurking in shadows, standing on the street corner, loitering outside [a] business, or walking in the street where the sidewalks are provided. When police justify this use of their time for the benefit of the cameras, they claim theyre performing a community service. Its best for her, best for the community, and best for Las Vegas Boulevard that we get her off the street, Wandick said as he led the shackled Black woman into a police van. Every day, poor Black women are arrested simply because of their physical presence on city streets. Audiences might recognize these encounters as regrettable, even unjust, but police logic encourages viewers to dismiss them as mundane casualties of public orderthe price of keeping women, families, and cities safe.
Law enforcement has been a crucial mechanism to control Black womens labor and restrict their freedom since Emancipation, if not before then. However, authorities justifications to legitimize this power have changed over time. When contemporary police deploy the argumentcommodified for mass consumptionthat public safety and economic growth require the mass removal of poor Black women from city streets, they are simultaneously perpetuating deeply rooted social hierarchies and producing a historically specific vision of gendered criminality.
Across the twentieth century, the boundaries of lawful womanhooda concept that is an active ideological process, necessarily animated by changing ideas about race, sexuality, and classwere being renegotiated. Urban authorities, social scientists, journalists, reformers, activists, and policed women themselves debated who had a right to public space, what constituted licit behavior and who conformed to it, and whose alleged sexual activity sustained the social order and whose threatened to destroy it. Sexual policingthe targeting and legal control of peoples bodies and their presumed sexual activitiesplayed a uniquely powerful role in redrawing and enforcing these shifting boundaries because it defined interlocking hierarchies of Blackness, whiteness, and sexual morality in real time. Through sexual policing, law enforcement helped to create the intertwined social meanings and legal rights of Black and white womanhood.
Officers can approach any woman and arrest her for any reason. But they do not. This book narrates the historical process of how and why different women are made vulnerable to sexual policing. Asking this question showcases how the state recalibrated lethal social inequalities, even as sexual norms underwent dramatic revision; how the enforcement of normative white sexuality generated breathtaking power for urban police; and how sexual policing was foundational to the spatial and economic formation of modern cities.
Officers everyday power to interrogate and arrest is so normalized in the prevailing understanding of police practices that it conceals the material violence perpetrated against vulnerable women. Sexual policing degrades womens rights to city streets, and arrests trigger cascading repercussions, including lost wages, jobs, housing, and child custody. The extreme power asymmetry between police and targeted women directly enables police to perpetrate gender-based violence such as sexual assault and the extortion of sex in exchange for withholding arrest. By compounding vulnerable womens economic and social instability, sexual policingrather than serving a function of public safetymakes policed women, their families, and the communities they live in less safe. These harms are not merely the unfortunate side effects of a small corner of law enforcement. Rather, sexual policing is an engine of police power.
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