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Brovkin V. - Russia After Lenin: Politics, Culture and Society, 1921-1929

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Brovkin V. Russia After Lenin: Politics, Culture and Society, 1921-1929
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Following the Russian Revolution, the cultural and political landscape of Russia was strewn with contradictions. The dictatorship, censorship and repression of the Communist party existed alongside private enterprise, the black market and open debates on Socialism. In Russian Society and politics 1921-1929 Vladimir Brovkin offers a comprehensive cultural, political, economic and social history of developments in Russia in the 1920s. By examining the contrast between Bolshevik propaganda claims and social reality, the author explains how Communist representations were variously received and resisted by workers, peasants, students, women, teachers and party officials. He presents a picture of cultural diversity and rejection of Communist constraints through many means including unauthorised protest, religion, jazz music and poetry. In Russian Society and Politics 1921-1929 Vladimir Brovkin argues that these trends, if left unchecked, endangered the Communist Partys monopoly on political power. The Stalinist revolution can thus be seen as a pre-emptive strike against this independent and vibrant society as well as a product of Stalins personality and communist ideology.;Book Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction Revolutionary identity -- RUSSIAN SOCIALISM -- THE BOLSHEVIK VALUE SYSTEM -- UTOPIAN VISION, 1917 -- SMASHING THE BOURGEOIS STATE -- NEP SOCIETY -- The intelligentsia -- The masses -- Political discourse -- Chapter 1 Extracting socially alien elements -- POLITICAL PARTIES AND INTELLIGENTSIA -- OPERATION THE LIVING CHURCH -- THE FORMER PEOPLE -- Chapter 2 The Culture of the New Elite 1921-5 Ascetic knights and drinking pals -- OLD HABITS AND NEW TASTES -- EDUCATING THE NEW PARTY CADRES -- DISSIDENT VOICES -- Chapter 3 Bolshevik actions and peasants reactions, 1921-5 Face the village, face defeat -- WHO KNEW WHAT -- PEASANT CONCERNS -- STRATEGIES OF COPING -- Representations -- The Peasant Union movement -- ELECTIONS, 1925 -- Chapter 4 Propaganda and popular belief -- AGITPROP: ERADICATING ALIEN INFLUENCE -- POTEMKIN VILLAGES ON THE IDEOLOGICAL FRONT -- ANTI-RELIGIOUS CAMPAIGNS58 -- POPULAR RELIGIOSITY -- Chapter 5 The Komsomol and youth A transmission belt that snapped -- REPRESENTATIONS -- RURAL CELLS: HOOLIGANISM AND DRUNKENNESS -- WORKERS: VODKA, SEX, AND DEFIANCE -- Vodka -- Sex -- Defiance -- STUDENTS: POVERTY, DECADENCE, AND DISSENT -- Poverty -- Decadence97 -- Dissent -- Chapter 6 Women: false promises, dashed hopes, and the pretense of emancipation -- RURAL WOMEN: STAYING OUT OR GETTING INVOLVED?6 -- FACTORY WOMEN: FROM COMPLAINTS TO PROTEST -- A NEW SOVIET WOMAN: DATING, FASHIONS, AND FOX-TROT -- BOLSHEVIK WOMEN -- Chapter 7 Towards showdown in the countryside, 1926-8 -- RURAL PARTY: ADAPTATION, DEFIANT REJECTION, AND INTERVENTION -- Adaptation -- Defiant rejection -- Intervention -- RADICALIZATION, 1926 -- ELECTIONS, 1927 -- BOLSHEVIK DILEMMAS, 1928.

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Russia after Lenin Following the Russian Revolution the cultural and - photo 1
Russia after Lenin

Following the Russian Revolution, the cultural and political landscape of Russia was strewn with contradictions. The dictatorship, censorship and repression of the Communist Party existed alongside private enterprise, the black market and open debates on socialism. In Russia after Lenin, Vladimir Brovkin offers a comprehensive cultural, political, economic and social history of developments in Russia in the 1920s.

By examining the contrast between Bolshevik propaganda claims and social reality, the author explains how Communist ideas were variously received, resisted and acted upon by workers, peasants, students, women, teachers and party officials. He presents a picture of cultural diversity and rejection of Communist constraints through many means including unauthorized protest, religion, jazz music and poetry.

In Russia after Lenin, Brovkin argues that these trends, if left unchecked, endangered the Communist Partys monopoly on political power. The Stalinist revolution and terror can thus be seen as a pre-emptive strike against this independent and vibrant society, as well as a product of Stalins personality and Communist ideology.

Vladimir Brovkin is NATO Research Fellow and Adjunct Professor at the American University, in Washington DC.

Russia after Lenin

Politics, Culture and Society, 1921 1929

Vladimir Brovkin

Russia After Lenin Politics Culture and Society 1921-1929 - image 2

London and New York

by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.

To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledges collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001

1998 Vladimir Brovkin

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Brovkin, Vladimir N.
Russia after Lenin: Politics, Culture and Society,
19211929 / Vladimir Brovkin.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Soviet UnionPolitics and government19171936.
2. Soviet UnionCivilization. 3. Soviet UnionSocial
conditions-19171945. I. Title.
DK266.5.B76 1998
947.0842dc21
9739751
CIP

ISBN 0-203-97933-8 Master e-book ISBN


ISBN 0-415-17991-2 (hbk)
ISBN 0-415-17992-0 (pbk)


FOR MY DEAR WIFE, ALYONA

Illustrations
Abbreviations
AgitpropAgitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee
CCCentral Committee
CECCentral Executive Committee
CheKaChesvychainaya KommissiyaExtraordinary Commission
ChonChasti Osobogo NaznacheniyaSpecial Purpose Units
CominternCommunist International
CPCommunist Party
ECExecutive Committee
GKGorodskoi KomitetCity Committee
GPUGlavnoe Politicheskoe UpravleniaMain Political Directorate
GubkomGubernskii KomitetProvince Committee
GlavlitGlavnyi Literaturnyi KomitetMain Literature Committee
GublitGlavnyi Literaturnyi KomitetMain Literature Committee
KAKomsomol archive
KomsomolKSM Kommumsticheskii Soyuz MolodezhiCommunist Youth League
LKLeningradskii KomitetLeningrad Party Committee
MKMoskovsku KomitetMoscow Part Committee
MRCMain Repertoire CommitteeGlavrepertkom
NSNarodnye SotsialistjyPeoples Socialists
OrgraspredCC Cadres Department
PSRPart of Socialist Revolutionaries
PSRPart of Socialist Revolutionaries
PioletkultProletarskaya KulturaProletarian Culture
RCP(b)Russian Communist Party of BolsheviksRKP(b)
SRSocialist Revolutionary
VKP(b)Vsesoyuznaya Kommunisticheskaya Partiya Bolsheukov AllUnion Commumst Party of the Bolsheviks
VLKSMAll Russian Leninist Komsomol
VTsSNKhVrerossiiskii Tsentralnyi Sovet Narodnogo KhoziaistvaAllRussian Central Council of Peoples Economy
Acknowledgments

I always wanted to write a book on politics and culture in the 1920s that would be a sequel to Rene Fllop Millers path-breaking The Mind and Face ofBolshevism (1926). In 1991 I was much influenced by my then colleague Simon Schamas discussion of culture and politics during the French Revolution in his Citizens. I was fascinated by the works of Robert Darnton and Roger Chartier on mentalities and representations. I owe an intellectual debt to many colleagues who had worked on the history of culture and politics in Russia, particularly Leonard Schapiro, Adam Ulam, Robert Tucker, Stephen Cohen, Richard Stites, Katerina Clark, Martin Malia, Robert Conquest, Peter Kenez, and Wladimir Berelovitch, to name only a few. I learned a great deal from Sheila Fitzpatrick, William Rosenberg, and Diane Koenker on the social history of the 1920s. I gained insight on youth culture and history of women from the works of Anne Gorsuch, Isabel Tirado, and Wendy Goldman.

Among my colleagues I owe deep gratitude to Richard Pipes who was the first reader of this book and gave me valuable suggestions. I also want to thank Caroline Ford who literally guided me through the literature on culture, mentalities, and representations. Above all I want to thank David Brandenberger who helped me translate some verses, edited the manuscript, and gave me valuable insights during our regular discussion sessions as the work progressed.

Research for this book has been made possible by the IREX Fellowship. I am grateful to IREXs Moscow staff who made my stay there fruitful and enjoyable. A generous grant from the John M.Olin Foundation enabled me to complete the manuscript and prepare it for publication.

Introduction
Revolutionary identity

The 1920s are popularly known as a Golden Age in Russiaeight short years after the end of the civil war and before Stalins revolution from above. Much admired in both Soviet, post-Soviet Russian and Western historiography, the period of New Economic Policy has been seen as an alternative to Stalinism. The 1920s have been hailed as an example of at least one period in Soviet history which was a success, in economics, politics, and especially in terms of culture.

Soviet historians tended to represent the years of the NEP as a march forward towards socialism due to the wisdom of Lenin. From this perspective, the 1930s were the years of even more spectacular achievements but marred by what were called violations of socialist legality, a code name for the Great Terror. Most studies of political history of the 1920s have regarded the NEP years as an asset of the Bolsheviks and as proof that had it not been for Stalin a different kind of socialism could have emerged in Soviet Russia, socialism with a human face, displaying cultural diversity and private enterprise.

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