Manuel Orozco - International Norms and Mobilization for Democracy: Nicaragua in the World: Nicaragua in the World

Nicaragua in the world

MANUEL OROZCO

Inter-American Dialogue

First published 2002 by Ashgate Publishing

Reissued 2018 by Routledge
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Copyright Manuel Orozco 2002

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A Library of Congress record exists under LC control number: 2002100328

ISBN 13: 978-1-138-74109-6 (hbk)
ISBN 13: 978-1-315-18302-2 (ebk)

Democratization since 1950

Rise of International NGOs, 1956-1999

Actors, Mechanisms and Conditions for Mobilization

Wars by Region and Type, 1945-1994

Worldwide Elections and UN Assistance

Global Conferences on Democracy

Foreign Aid by Socialist Countries to Nicaragua, 1979-1989

Official Development Assistance to Nicaragua, 1980-1989

Democracy Assistance Programs by International Donors

Assistance for Democracy by Sector

Democratic Assistance by Sector and Region or Country

International NGOs in Nicaragua: Distribution by Financial Contributions and Number of Organizations (1990-1996)

Human and Economic Costs of the War

Negotiations in Nicaragua: Main Agreements Reached

U.S. Funding for the Nicaraguan Elections

Issues Considered for Electoral Monitoring

Civil Disobedience in Nicaragua, 1991-1995

Founding Years of 239 NGOs in Nicaragua

Number of Observers by People and Groups

Size of Bureaucracy in Nicaragua

GDP Per Capita, 1988-1999

International Actors in Nicaragua

Major Political Events in Nicaragua in the 1990s

Municipal Election: Votes by Party and Department

Decline of Amoldo Alemns Popularity

Public Opinion Polls in Support of Presidential Candidates

Nicaraguan Elections since 1990

Observation Assistance to Etica y Transparencia

This book is an important reminder that choices and efforts are not only the product of individual decisions, but also of direct and indirect collective engagement. Both the experience of international support for democracy and this book itself are testament to such involvement.

When the Somoza regime was overthrown in 1979, Nicaraguans thanked the international community for their support to end a forty year dictatorship. This book validates the efforts of national and international actors advocating democracy. In particular, it recognizes the work of those who mobilized international attention to promote democratic change in countries like Nicaragua. Former president Oscar Arias is an example of advocacy to end war and extend democracy in Central America. And former president Violeta Chamorro represents an individual committed to democracy. In addition to her dedication to Nicaraguans, she sought the attention of the international community and their support to bring stability into her country. This book is dedicated to her.

Although it is customary to say that ones writings are solely ones own responsibility and that is true, credit is owed to those who facilitate our academic training, contribute to shaping our ideas and ideals about social and political change and who encourage our theoretical reflection. I identify only four of those people here, but thank the contributions of many others. From developing the idea itself to the delivery of the final product, I have received the guiding support of a number of people; friends, professors, relatives, acquaintances, and strangers. First and foremost, Fran Buntman, my wife and colleague, is the most influential person on this work. I thank her for her active support. She has seen the progress and results of my work and study of international norms and mobilization for democracy. In her commitment to justice and democracy she has validated and supported my own commitments. Another person who has been helpful to this project is my friend and colleague Mignone Vega, a democracy advocate who has seen the many facets and risks of democratization. I thank my former professors and colleagues, Rodolfo de la Garza and Pope Atkins whose trust and support have been present at all times. Finally, I thank Bruce Bueno de Mesquita who helped shape my political thinking. Although this book is not an expected utility analysis, it reflects his confidence in me and the lessons I learned from him many years ago.

For the first time ever, in 1989, an independent country, Nicaragua, agreed that the international community supervise its national elections. This event represented a turning point in which the United Nations broke its unblemished hands-off record by sending an election team to Nicaragua (Rosenau 1996, 264). The request and the response to it symbolized an emerging international consensus to protect and support democracy in individual nations. Moreover, the political context in which these elections were agreed upon was itself a product of international dedication to end civil war and promote democracy in the Central American region. Led by Costa Ricas president, Oscar Arias, and at the urging of the United Nations (UN) and the Organization of American States (OAS), in 1987 Central American leaders agreed to peace negotiations and free and fair elections, with Nicaragua starting the process of achieving peace and democracy simultaneously. Furthermore, these elections would be internationally monitored to guarantee unbiased results that reflected the will of the people.

The peace agreement that emerged from the 1987 talks and the Nicaraguan election in 1990 are emblematic of an international community concerned with introducing and consolidating democracy in Nicaragua and elsewhere, and with linking democratization to conflict resolution.

Unlike most democratic transitions that occurred in the 1980s, Nicaraguas transition was shaped by a civil war. The legacy of war constituted a major challenge as the prevailing culture of violence and polarization increased the difficulty of any effort to achieve national reconciliation. After the installation of the new government under President Violeta Chamorro, however, the country embarked on a series of attempts to improve political conditions amid a climate of polarization and violence.