Merle Lipton - State & Market in Post Apartheid South Africa

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STATE&MARKET IN POST APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA

MERLE LIPTON CHARLES SIMKINS EDITORS

State & Market in Post Apartheid South Africa

First published 1993 by Westview Press, Inc.

Published 2019 by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

1993 Witwatersrand University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

ISBN 13: 978-0-367-28861-7 (hbk)

Contents

Merle Lipton and Charles Simkins

Kenneth Hughes

Trevor Bell

W. Duncan Reekie

Jos Gerson

Anthony Black

Terence Moll

Andrew R. Donaldson

Charles Simkins

Merle Lipton

Norman Bromberger and Francis Antonie

1. vi
2. vii

Guide

Acknowledgements

The papers in this book were discussed at workshops held at the Kaplan Centre at the University of Cape Town in March 1991 and April 1992. We are indebted to the Chairman's Fund of Anglo American/De Beers for funding the research project and to the Kaplan Centre for hosting the workshops. We would like to thank the participants listed below for their many helpful and insightful comments and suggestions on the papers; an exceptionally valuable contribution was made by the foreign participants - Alan Gelb, Tony Killick, Michael Lipton, David Newbury and Robert Wade. We also wish to record our thanks to Tahera Timol who helped to organise the workshops.

Participants at one or both of the workshops

Ann Bernstein, Simon Brand, Cees Bruggemans, Peter Christiansen, Stef Coetzee, Gerhard Croeser, Bernie de Jeger, Aubrey Dickman, Alan Gelb, David Kaplan, Tony Killick, David Lazar, David Lewis, Michael Lipton, Jan Lombard, Colin McCarthy, Job Mogoro, Job Molepo, Nicoli Nattrass, David Newbery, Michael O'Dowd, Edward Osborn, Norman Reynolds, Vivian Solomon, John Sender, Mark Shinners, Max Sisulu, Michael Spicer, Ben van Rensburg, Nick Vink, Robert Wade.

The Authors

Mr Francis Antonie
Department of Politics
University of Natal
O Box 375
3200 Pietermaritzburg

Professor R Bell
Department of Economics
Rhodes University
6140 Grahamstown

Mr A Black
School of Economics
University of Cape Town
Private Bag
7700 Rondebosch

Professor Norman Bromberger
Department of Economics
University of Natal
O Box 375
3200 Pietermaritzburg

Mr A Donaldson
Department of Economics
Rhodes University
6140 Grahamstown

Dr Jos Gerson
University of Cape Town and Davis, Borkum, Hare & Co.
8000 Cape Town

Dr Kenneth Hughes
Department of Mathematics
University of Cape Town
Private Bag
7700 Rondebosch

Ms Merle Lipton
School of African and Asian Studies
Sussex University
Brighton, UK

Dr Moll
Investment Economic Research
S A Mutual
O Box 878
8000 Cape Town

Professor D Reekie
Department of Business Economics
University of the Witwatersrand
O Wits 2050

Professor Charles Simkins
Department of Economics
University of the Witwatersrand
O Wits 2050

Merle Lipton and Charles Simkins

Functions of the State

Historically, the South African state has intervened massively to shape economic development. However, this role has varied over time (in response partly to political developments, partly to changing economic conditions), as have the consequences for economic efficiency and for welfare. State intervention has been evident not only in the controls over the international flow of goods, capital and technology, which were hardly unusual, but in the exceptional degree of control over the domestic factors of production, that is, over the mobility of labour and of capital, including the allocation of property rights. Indeed, the extent of these interventions is surely unparalleled among the 'free market' economies with which South Africa is usually - though mistakenly - classified.

The range and intensity of interventions in economic policy in South Africa can be gauged from the following classification of state activities at the beginning of the 1970s, when the apartheid state was at the apogee of its power:

• * Macroeconomic management, including monetary and fiscal policy, exchange rate policy and regulation of the financial system.
• * Management of South Africa's international economic relations, including extensive controls over flows of goods, capital and technology.
• * Development and operation of the national physical infrastructure: public utilities such as roads, railways, harbours, airways, posts and telecommunications, electricity and water, were established, owned and operated by the state.
• * Controls over capital and over property markets: in addition to the usual provisions for regulating ownership, title deeds, contracts, and so forth, the racial ordering imposed on most aspects of South African society in terms of the apartheid, or 'separate development' policy laid down special racial provisions for the ownership of properties and businesses and the location of housing and factories. This required the establishment of segregated residential areas for each of the officially defined 'races' or 'population groups' - whites, coloureds, Indians and Africans or blacks. The policy also required the decentralisation, wherever possible, of factories employing blacks away from the major white urban centres to the 'homelands' or Bantustans, to which blacks supposedly belonged.
• * The promotion of industrialisation, within a framework of protection and import substitution. This was undertaken by the establishment of productive state-sector industries, such as the Iron and Steel Corporation (ISCOR), and by using the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) to initiate or encourage the establishment of a wide range of industries in which the state sometimes took a direct share. Later, parallel organisations were established for the other 'races', such as the Coloured and Xhosa Development Corporations and the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA). A significant sub-sector of industrial development was the nurturing of 'strategic industries', including armaments, nuclear power, diesel engines, oil and computers, as international sanctions were first threatened and later imposed on South Africa (because of its racist policies).
• * Regulation of agriculture: controls over the allocation of land (reserving almost 86 per cent of South Africa for white ownership); over the subdivision of land (favouring largescale farming); and the regulation of most agricultural production and marketing. All this involved the establishment of an extensive network of controls and institutions, including numerous marketing boards and the Land Bank. Here, too, 'separate' institutions were established for the other races such as the South African Development Trust and the agricultural development corporations for each of the ten Bantustans.

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