Jason C. Hu - Chinese Regionalism: The Security Dimension

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Chinese Regionalism: The Security Dimension

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Chinese Regionalism

The Security Dimension

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EDITED BY
RichardH.Yang,
JasonC.Hu,
PeterK. H.Yu,
andAndrewN. D.Yang

First published 1994 by Westview Press, Inc.

Published 2021 by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright 1994 by Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chinese regionalism: the security dimension / edited by Richard H.
Yang... [et al.].
p. cm.
ISBN 0-8133-8853-8
1. National securityChina. 2. China. Chung-kuo jen min chieh
fang chnPolitical activity. 3. RegionalismChina. I. Yang,
Richard H.
UA835.C452 1994
355'.033051dc20 93-50193
CIP

ISBN13: 978-0-3670-1682-1 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978-0-3671-6669-4 (pbk)

DOI: 10.4324/9780429046681

Contents

Gerald Segal

2 Warlordism and Military Regionalism in China

Brantly Womack

3 Regionalism in China: The Role of the PLA

Ellis Joffe

4 Chinese Regional Forces as Political Actors

Michael D. Swaine

5 Profits Over Professionalism: The PLA's Economic Activities and the Impact on Military Unity

Tai-Ming Cheung

6 Chinese Regionalism and the PLA Air Force

Harlan W. Jencks

7 The PLA Navy and Regionalism

Peter Kien-hong Yu

8 The PLA and Regionalism: Explorations on the Roles of the Nanjing Military Region

Lijian Hong and J. Bruce Jacobs

9 The PLA and Regionalism in Fujian

Simon Long

10 The PLA in Guangdong Province: Warlordism and Localism

David S. G. Goodman

11 Sichuan Region: A Balance Sheet on its Status

Peter Kien-hong Yu, Andrew Nien-dzu Yang, and Da-chi Liao

12 The PLA and Regionalism in Manchuria

Michael B. Yahuda

13 The PLA and Regionalism: Xinjiang

June Teufel Dreyer

1. 2 Warlordism and Military Regionalism in China
2. 3 Regionalism in China: The Role of the PLA
3. 4 Chinese Regional Forces as Political Actors
4. 5 Profits Over Professionalism: The PLA's Economic Activities and the Impact on Military Unity
5. 6 Chinese Regionalism and the PLA Air Force
6. 7 The PLA Navy and Regionalism
7. 8 The PLA and Regionalism: Explorations on the Roles of the Nanjing Military Region
8. 9 The PLA and Regionalism in Fujian
9. 10 The PLA in Guangdong Province: Warlordism and Localism
10. 11 Sichuan Region: A Balance Sheet on its Status
11. 12 The PLA and Regionalism in Manchuria
12. 13 The PLA and Regionalism: Xinjiang

Guide

Preface

This is a book about China's government and politics. As such, it seems appropriate that it begins with a chosen excerpt and also the first sentence from one of the great Chinese works, Sanguozhiyanyi (The Romancs of the Three Kingdoms): hejiubifen; fenjiubihe (empires wax and wane; states cleave asunder and coalesce).

In 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded. Over the past several decades, the Communists have ruled the mainland with an iron hand.

This situation has recently changed. With the opening of the PRC to the world in 1978, the acceptance of a socialist market economy in 1992, and the aging of Long Marchers like Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, as well as Zhang Zhen and Chen Xilian who often see Deng, the mainland appears ready for another cyclical change.

Neither will the Chinese people nor historians forget the series of severe crackdowns associated with the dissident movements of 1983-1984, 1986-1987, and the 1989 Tiananmen incident/massacre. This is especially true of the 1989 Tiananmen incident, wherein millions of supporters of democracy poured into the streets of Beijing and other cities shouting for change and were shot down by army soldiers.

With the demise of the Communist system in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and the birth of a non-Communist Outer Mongolia, attention has shifted exclusively to the PRC, the last Communist stronghold. Not only is the world paying attention, but residents of the PRC, themselves, are also concerned. An internal PRC document recently revealed that many people in the mainland are worried about the possibility in the next ten or twenty years, if not earlier, of economic and political divisions in their country.

The Clinton Administration in the U.S. has made clear its hopes of attaining a "peaceful evolution" in the mainland. At the same time, there have been attempts by various scholars, experts, and government officials to "de-construct" China, Others perceive the ultimate formation of a "Greater China" in the 21st century, incorporating overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and elsewhere.

As a result of this situation, and as a means to air the different kinds of views which exist, an historic conference on the future of mainland China, co-sponsored by the Chinese Council of Advanced Policy Studies (CAPS) in Taipei and the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in London, was held. The meeting took place between June 2527, 1993, in Hong Kong, and attendees included heavyweights from the academic world. this book includes the twelve essays, in revised and edited form, presented at the conference.

Admittedly, the meeting did not result in any consensus regarding the meaning of Chinese regionalism, but rather a number of perspectives emerged. These included economic regionalism (incipient federalism), regional military separatism (RMS) or warlordism, shantouzhuyi (mountain-topism), regionalism in the historical context of zhuluzhongyuan and zhengqutianxia (competing for the mandate of heaven regardless of where you are), and regionalism for the purpose of ultimate independence.

Most participants, however, including the authors, did not come to the conclusion that, following the death of important Beijing leaders like Deng, a sudden breakup of the mainland will occur. Indeed, not only is such a prospect not particularly plausible, but it is also unwanted. The editors hope that such an event will not occur for many reasons, a major reason being that such a chaotic situation would result in a flood of Chinese refugees to other areas like Taiwan, Japan, and Southeast Asia, thus disrupting regional, and possibly global, stability.

Whatever the case, when thinking about China's past, present, and future, the reader should keep in mind that

[Neither Mao nor Deng] was able to square the Chinese circle, preserving unity while simultaneously permitting freedoms.... In the last analysis, unity and the disciplined order of which it is the basis have always seemed more important, and freedom, and the loss of control that it spawns, too dangerous to China's leaders.... The onus of unity assumed by China's leaders is increasingly an incubus for the Chinese people. [Thus,] if there is one historic lesson to be drawn from the four decades of the [PRC], it is that there has to be fundamental change in the political system which over the centuries welded the Chinese people together. If not, the pressures of an increasingly self-confident developing society will finally grow so powerful that the system will burst asunder.... In the 1990s and beyond, unity will be preserved only by diversity.

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