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Kenton Clymer - A Delicate Relationship: The United States and Burma/Myanmar since 1945

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In 2012, Barack Obama became the first U.S. president ever to visit Myanmar, formerly known as Burma. This official state visit marked a new period in the long and sinuous diplomatic relationship between the United States and Burma/Myanmar, which Kenton Clymer examines in A Delicate Relationship. From the challenges of decolonization and heightened nationalist activities that emerged in the wake of World War II to the Cold War concern with domino states to the rise of human rights policy in the 1980s and beyond, Clymer demonstrates how Burma/Myanmar has fit into the broad patterns of U.S. foreign policy and yet has never been fully integrated into diplomatic efforts in the region of Southeast Asia.

When Burma, a British colony since the nineteenth century, achieved independence in 1948, the United States feared that the country might be the first Southeast Asian nation to fall to the communists, and it embarked on a series of efforts to prevent this. In 1962, General Ne Win, who toppled the government in a coup dtat, established an authoritarian socialist military junta that severely limited diplomatic contact and led to a period in which the primary American diplomatic concern became Burmas increasing opium production. Ne Wins rule ended (at least officially) in 1988, when the Burmese people revolted against the oppressive military government. Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as the charismatic leader of the opposition and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. Amid these great changes in policy and outlook, Burma/Myanmar remained fiercely nonaligned and, under Ne Win, isolationist. The limited diplomatic exchange that resulted meant that the state was often a frustrating puzzle to U.S. officials.

Clymer explores attitudes toward Burma (later Myanmar), from anxious anticommunism during the Cold War to interventions to stop drug trafficking to debates in Congress, the White House, and the Department of State over how to respond to the emergence of the opposition movement in the late 1980s. The juntas brutality, its refusal to relinquish power, and its imprisonment of opposition leaders resulted in public and Congressional pressure to try to change the regime. Indeed, Aung San Suu Kyis rise to prominence fueled the new foreign policy debate that was focused on human rights, and in that climate Burma/Myanmar held particularly large symbolic importance for U.S. policy makers. Congressional and public opinion favored sanctions, while U.S. presidents and their administrations were more cautious. Clymers account concludes with President Obamas visits in 2012 and 2014, and visits to the United States by Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein, which marked the establishment of a new, warmer relationship with a relatively open Myanmar.

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A DELICATE RELATIONSHIP The United States and Burma Myanmar since 1945 Kenton - photo 1
A DELICATE
RELATIONSHIP
The United States and Burma/
Myanmar since 1945
Kenton Clymer
CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESSITHACA AND LONDON
Contents
Preface
In addition to the scholarly reasons for writing this book, there is a personal one. In 1987, when my wife, Marlee Clymer, and I were in India where I was researching a book on US interest in Indias independence, like the British before us we fled to the cool hill station of Shimla (Simla) for a month during New Delhis extreme heat in June. In Shimla I worked at the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies. One of the long-term fellows at the institute was Michael Aris, an Oxford professor of Himalayan studies with a particular interest in Bhutan. At that time I was teaching at the University of Texas at El Paso, perhaps the only place outside of Bhutan where the buildings are all constructed in the beautiful Bhutanese style. A few days later, Michaels wife, Aung San Suu Kyi, arrived, and we became friends, going on picnics together, eating out in restaurants, our children playing with their children of about the same ages. I had vaguely heard of Suu Kyis father, Aung San, the leader of Burmas independence struggle who was assassinated in 1947, but knew little of Burmas history.
We also shared some tense days when stories appeared in the Indian press indicating that the government was suspicious of the activities of the few foreigners at the institute and was probably going to arrest them. One day I returned to our room to find eight Indian policemen there. They were impeccably dressed and very polite, but they asked for our passports.
Suu Kyi loved the challenge. I had a very different reaction. A stay in an Indian jail loomed, I feared. I booked a telephone call (as was necessary in those days) to the American embassy, which sent a Chevrolet Suburban van, along with Foreign Service officer Susan Jacobs, to demand the return of our passports and rescue us if need be. Ultimately the passports were returned, and there was no need to shorten our stay in Shimla. But Suu Kyis reaction was revealing.
By this time I had come to know much more about Aung San Suu Kyi. In particular I had learned that her mother, Daw Khin Kyi, had served as Burmas ambassador to India. But she, Michael, and their children lived in Oxford, and there were as yet no hints that she would become famous as the leader of the Burmese opposition to Ne Wins oppressive dictatorship. But within months Suu Kyi was back in Rangoon to care for her mother who had suffered a debilitating stroke. She was there when the revolutionary events of 1988 took place and ultimately accepted the mantle of leadership that her ancestry demanded. She did not leave Burma again for well over two decades and spent much of those years under house arrest. Consequently I followed events in Burma with interest and determined eventually to write something about the history of United States relations with that country. This is the result.
A note on nomenclature. Burma derives its name from the predominant ethnic group, the Burmans (or Bamars). The British took over Burma in three successive wars in the nineteenth century and used that name for their colony. When Burma achieved independence, the new rulers retained the name. However, in 1989 the ruling military junta changed the official name to Myanmar and also changed the names of many cities and roads. Thus, for example, the capital Rangoon became Yangon. Normally name changes of this sort have not resulted in much controversy. But not in Burma. Because the change of names was instituted by what was perceived to be an illegitimate and oppressive regime, the opposition forces continued to use the older names, as did the United States government. Thus what name to call the country has a political dimension. Those who most strongly supported the opposition and condemned the military government used Burma, while those with a different perspective generally preferred Myanmar. Not surprisingly this has also caused division in the ranks of scholars and public policy analysts, who often sparred with each other over a variety of issues, including the efficacy of sanctions and the nature of the government. There are honorable people on both sides of this debate. In this book Burma is used for the years before 1989. After that Myanmar and Burma are used interchangeably, reflecting the mixed usage in the United States. As the country has opened up, Myanmar has been increasingly accepted. The term Burmese applies to all of the people of country, not just the Burmans. As for Chinese names, the newer pinyin transliteration is usually used (thus Mao Tse-tung is Mao Zedong), but I have sometimes used the older Wade-Giles spelling in cases where it is still commonly used. Thus Chiang Kai-shek is used rather than Jiang Jieshi and Kuomintang rather than Guomindang.
All authors have persons and institutions to thank for inspiration, assistance, and support. Aside from the inspiration of Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi, I have many to thank. I began this study at the University of Texas at El Paso, which was always supportive of my work. President Diana Natalicio kindly asked Marlee and myself to represent the university at the memorial service for Michael Aris in Oxford. After I moved to Northern Illinois University in 2004 the Department of History, the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, and the Center for Burma Studies all supported me in various ways, including with a sabbatical leave in 2009. Northern Illinois University provided a generous subvention for this book. I also appreciated the assistance of my colleagues who are Southeast Asian specialists, especially Eric Jones, Trude Jacobsen, Theraphi Than, Clark and Arlene Neher, Danny Unger, Judy Ledgerwood, Kheang Un, and Catherine Raymond. Southeast Asia librarian Hao Phan responded to my requests for materials. My former colleague Alicia Turner, a Burma specialist now at York University, was kind enough to review a portion of the manuscript.
In 201112 the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars invited me to spend the academic year working on the book, and I am very grateful to my colleagues and staff members there. At the risk of inadvertently leaving someone out, I want particularly to thank Robert Hathaway, then the director of the Asia program at the Center, who helped me in numerous ways; and Marvin Ott, a senior scholar there who shared very valuable insights about Chinas policies and American involvement in Burma. Other center people to be singled out include Xia Yafeng (who helped arrange a visit to East China Normal Universitys Center for Cold War Studies), Christian Ostermann, Susan Leverstein, Michael Kugelman, Lindsay Collins, Arlyn Charles, Kim Conners, Louisa Clark-Roussey, Fabio Rugge, Mike Van Dusen, Zahid Hussain, Douglas G. Spelman, Julia Clancy-Smith, Robert Baum, Jill Jonnes, Jackie Hagan, Ren Xuefei, Dennis Kux, Elizabeth Wishnick, and Eric Arneson. I am also grateful for the important assistance provided by the four student interns assigned to me at the center: Ngo Khien Thien, Taiyi Pan, Daniel Fong, and Nay Min Oo. William Roger Louis kindly invited me to present my work at one of the weekly meetings of the National History Centers seminars, which met at the Center.
There are too many other persons in Washington who assisted me in various ways to name them all. But I must single out David I. Steinberg of Georgetown University, the dean of Burma Studies, who invited me to Burma conferences even before I was in Washington, encouraged my work, and strengthened the manuscript in ways too numerous to mention. Karl Jackson and William Wise of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies kindly invited me to take part in SAISs Southeast Asian studies activities and to join their Burma Studies Group. Bill Burr at the National Security Archive provided leads on relevant documents, as did Matthew Jagel, a Ph.D. student at NIU. Murray Hiebert of the Center for Strategic and International Studies Southeast Asian Program invited me to Burma-related events at CSIS. Donald Jameson shared his knowledge about Burma with me. Sally Benson provided us with housing in Dupont Circle and also introduced me to persons with Burma connections.
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