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Tom Sancton - Sweet Land of Liberty: America in the Mind of the French Left, 1848–1871

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Tom Sancton Sweet Land of Liberty: America in the Mind of the French Left, 1848–1871
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In Sweet Land of Liberty, Tom Sancton examines how the French left perceived and used the image of the United States against the backdrop of major historical developments in both countries between the Revolution of 1848 and the Paris Commune of 1871. Along the way, he weaves in the voices of scores of French observersincluding those of everyday French citizens as well as those of prominent thinkers and politicians such as Alexis de Tocqueville, Victor Hugo, and Georges Clemenceauas they looked to the democratic ideals of their American counterparts in the face of rising authoritarianism on the European continent.
Louis Napoleons bloody coup in December 1851 disbanded Frances Second Republic and ushered in an era of increased political oppression, effectively forging together a disparate group of dissidents who embraced the tradition of the French Revolution and advocated for popular government. As they pursued their opposition to the Bonapartist regime, the French left looked to the American example as both a democratic model and a source of ideological support in favor of political liberty. During the 1850s, however, the left grew increasingly wary of the United States, as slavery, rapacious expansionism, and sectional frictions tarnished its image and diminished its usefulness.
The Civil War, Sancton argues, marked a critical turning point. While Napoleon III considered joint Anglo-French recognition of the Confederacy and launched an ill-fated invasion of Mexico, his opponents on the left feared the collapse of the great American experiment in democracy and popular government. The Emancipation Proclamation, the Union victory, and Lincolns assassination ignited powerful pro-American sentiment among the French left that galvanized their opposition to the imperial regime. After the fall of the Second Empire and the founding of the conservative Third Republic in 1870, the relevance of the American example waned. Moderate republicans no longer needed the American model, while the more progressive left became increasingly radicalized following the bloody repression of the Commune in 1871. Sancton argues that the corruption and excesses of Gilded Age America established the groundwork for the anti-American fervor that came to characterize the French left throughout much of the twentieth century.
Sweet Land of Liberty counters the long-held assumption that French workers, despite the distress caused by a severe cotton famine in the South, steadfastly supported the North during the Civil War out of a sense of solidarity with American slaves and lofty ideas of liberty. On the contrary, many workers backed the South, hoped for an end to fighting, and urged French government intervention. More broadly, Sanctons analysis shows that the American example, though useful to the left, proved ill-adapted to French republican traditions rooted in the Great Revolution of 1789. For all the ritual evocations of Lafayette and the traditional Franco-American friendship, the two republics evolved in disparate ways as each endured social turmoil and political upheaval during the second half of the nineteenth century.

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Sweet Land of Liberty
Sweet Land
of Liberty
AMERICA IN THE MIND OF THE FRENCH LEFT, 18481871
Tom Sancton
LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS
BATON ROUGE
Published by Louisiana State University Press
www.lsupress.org
Copyright 2020 by Thomas A. Sancton
All rights reserved. Except in the case of brief quotations used in articles or reviews, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any format or by any means without written permission of Louisiana State University Press.
Manufactured in the United States of America
First printing
DESIGNER: Michelle A. Neustrom
TYPEFACE: Garamond Premier Pro
JACKET ILLUSTRATION: The Statue of Liberty by Bartholdi in the Workshop of Gaget-Gauthier, Rue de Chazelles, Paris, ca. 1884, by Victor Dargaud. Courtesy Alamy Limited.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Names: Sancton, Thomas (Thomas Alexander), 1949 author.
Title: Sweet land of liberty : the French left looks at America, 18481871 / Tom Sancton.
Description: Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020028670 (print) | LCCN 2020028671 (ebook) | ISBN 978-0-8071-7430-2 (cloth) | ISBN 978-0-8071-7498-2 (pdf) | ISBN 978-0-8071-7499-9 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: United StatesHistoryCivil War, 18611865Foreign public opinion, French. | United StatesHistory18491877Foreign public opinion, French. | FranceHistory18481870. | FranceCivilizationAmerican influences. | Public opinionFranceHistory19th century.
Classification: LCC E469.8 .S26 2021 (print) | LCC E469.8 (ebook) | DDC 973.7/1dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020028670
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020028671
For Theodore Zeldin,
Historian, teacher, mentor, friend
Contents
PREFACE
S ince the Revolutionary era, the French left has included many diverse ideologies beneath its standard. The present study uses the term in a broad sense: it examines the views of people who considered themselves left wing and were so considered by their contemporaries, who accepted the tradition of the French Revolution, and who believed in democratic ideas and hoped for their triumph in France. They described themselves variously as liberals, republicans, democrats, radicals, socialists, or anarchists.
Among them was Alexis de Tocqueville, who had explained American democracy to his compatriots with two landmark volumes, then went on to serve as a deputy and, briefly, as foreign minister. The novelist George Sand (Amandine Aurore Lucile, baronne Dudevant, ne Dupin), who shocked contemporaries with her baggy mens clothing and sexual mores, was a romantic socialist and fervent supporter of the Second Republic. Victor Hugo, a towering literary figure and ardent republican, stood on flaming barricades to oppose Louis Napoleons 1851 coup dtat, then fled to the rocky Channel Islands to spend the next two decades as Frances most famous and impassioned exile. The socialist Louis Blanc, who played a major role in shaping the idealistic Second Republic, escaped to England after the Bonapartist coup and completed a monumental twelve-volume history of the French Revolution. The visionary Fourierist Victor Considrant, another post-1851 exile, preached salvation through emigration to America and lured hundreds of followers into the arid wilderness of Texas in a disastrous attempt to set up a utopian community. The anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhonauthor of the famous formula Property is theft!commanded a large working-class following and wound up an improbable supporter of the Confederacy. The eminent geographer Elise Reclus, another anarchist, had observed American slavery firsthand while working as a tutor on a Louisiana plantation in the 1850s and would later fight for the Paris Commune of 1871. The Communes military commander, the radical socialist Gustave Cluseret, had fought as a volunteer in the Union army during the American Civil War before returning to Europe to serve various and sundry revolutionary causes with his sword and pen. On the more moderate end of the political spectrum, the republican jurist Edouard Laboulaye, an authority on the U.S. Constitution, emerged during the Civil War as the most ardent champion of the Union cause and later launched a subscription to place the Statue of Liberty in New York harbor. The republican and future prime minister Georges Clemenceau thrilled to the news of Abraham Lincolns Emancipation Proclamation and reported on American Reconstruction as a journalist.
These prominent figures on the French left were keen observers and commentators on American events. Alongside them were hundreds of othersjournalists, lawyers, professors, politicians, and workerswho looked at the United States during these tumultuous years with an eye on events in their own country. Ever since the American War of Independence, liberal-minded Frenchmen had felt a special, often paternal, sense of kinship with the United States. Like the Soviet Union in the first part of the twentieth century, America was seen by many on the left as the wave of the future.
Similar ideological considerations often led opponents of political liberty to denigrate the United States and predict its ruin. But it would be a gross oversimplification to say that the left was pro-American and the right anti-American. Numerous individual exceptions can be found on both sides. The lefts enthusiasm for the United States, moreover, varied in intensity at different periods, depending both on political circumstances in France and events in America.
This book seeks to show how the image of the United States was perceived and used by the French left during the years between the Revolution of 1848 and the Paris Commune of 1871. For most of this period, the left stood in opposition to the authoritarian government of Napoleon III. Since it was difficult and often dangerous to promote democratic ideas at this time, there was a natural tendency to extol the American republic as the living symbol of political liberty. Thus, to a great extent, the lefts image of the United States was a product of their own propaganda needs. But this admiration was not blind or unconditional: their opinion was also influenced by Americas own political and social development during these eventful years.
It happened that the United States faced one of its greatest national crises during the period under consideration. The 1850s witnessed an eruption of expansionist fever, the exacerbation of the slavery controversy, and the rise of sectional passions. The 1860s saw the disintegration of the Union, the American Civil War, the emancipation of the slaves, the assassination of President Lincoln, and the beginnings of Reconstruction. One of the main objects of this study is to determine the extent to which these events affected the lefts image of America and the use they made of that image in pursuing their own goals in France.
As useful as the U.S. example was to those who promoted democratic ideas in France, American political, social, and economic realities were not always well understood. Viewed through French lenses, America might seem like a repository of the same values and republican ideologies that emerged from the French Revolution. In fact, as Tocqueville well knew, American democracy was a very different expression of political liberty. The United States that emerged from the Civil Warcapitalist, assertive, flawed by the excesses and corruption of the Gilded Agecould hardly be a positive model for the French left that had earlier extolled the country. Moreover, Americas pro-German sentiments in the Franco-Prussian War (187071) and hostility to the Paris Commune further tarnished the U.S. image in the eyes of the French left. The resulting sense of disappointment and betrayal nourished the deep-seated anti-Americanism that pervaded the French lefts thinking into the twentieth century and beyond. It is hoped that the present study can also illuminate patterns that are commonly found in other times and places whenever a domestic political faction perceives a foreign power in the light of its own culture and ideology.
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