John Goodwin - Mens Work and Male Lives: Men and Work in Britain
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First published in 1999, this volume took part in the emerging sociological debate on gender in the workplace by studying mens work, lives, gender roles and psychological health through the gender lens. Recent changes in the labour market, not least the marked increase of women at work, have been argued to have led to a crisis of masculinity and a re-evaluation of mens roles. This book has four main aims: to establish that there is a real absence of an empirical understanding of men in British gender-based sociological research; to explore mens recent experiences of the British labour market; to explore how masculinity and work are linked and maintained by critically examining existing accounts of gender theory and feminism; and finally to provide an empirical account of mens work and male lives via an analysis of existing data. The male workers were identified in the National Child Development Study 1991 and compared with male full-time workers and similar groups of women in the same study. Five areas of these mens lives were explored empirically: characteristics of male workers in NCDS5; mens attitudes to work; men and training experiences; men and household work; and finally men and mental ill health. The book concludes that the nature of mens work needs to be reconsidered and that the nature of gender research, particularly that relating to men, needs to be expanded and made more explicit.
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Christopher Kilmartin
Thomas Johansson
Connell
Kaufman
Connell
Coontz Stephanie
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Mens Work and Male Lives
First published 1999 by Ashgate Publishing
Reissued 2018 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright John Goodwin 1999
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Publishers Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.
A Library of Congress record exists under LC control number: 98074132
ISBN 13: 978-1-138-32738-2 (hbk)
ISBN 13: 978-0-429-44926-0 (ebk)
Contents
Guide
Introduction
The present study focuses on the sociology of men, the men were mainly white and heterosexual. All the men were aged 33.
However, to study men, in whatever context or area of enquiry, for some will seem a novel act. For others it will (re)present a threat to their research, teaching and their existing beliefs about society. Yet, for those who work within the field of studying men, the research is more than a superficial challenge to an established gender enquiry. It is more about describing and analysing the attitudes, experiences and relationships that men encounter; its about their employment, their education and their experiences in the family. Finally, on a macro level, it is about how society perceives men and what men do.
As such, this current research addresses two related objectives. First, the book attempts to arge that an analysis of men has been largely absent in British gender based sociology. The point has to be made that a sociological study of men is not only required, but essential if a fuller understanding of gender is to be gained. However by making such a point, it is essential that these sentiments are not taken as an apology or justification for the behaviour of some men. What it is an argument for is that men should be studied in their own right, and that men do not have to be appended to, or studied by accident in the study of women.
Second, that mens experiences of the labour market, and labour market issues have become lost in the broader gender and work based research. As such mens labour market experiences are not examined per se. This is highlighted by Collinson and Heam (1994)
texts on organisations have appeared which fail to examine masculinity despite explicitly citing men in their title, e.g. Men Who Manage (Dalton 1959) Organisation Man (Whyte 1956) Men at the Top (Elliot 1960) and Man on the Assembly Line (Walker and Guest 1952). Altematively some writers in industrial relations, industrial sociology have talked about managers, workers, shop stewards, the working class and implicitly treated those categories interchangeable with men.
(Collinson and Heam 1994: 3-4)
The importance of such sentiments are further enhanced when one considere the fact that work is inextricably linked to mens lives. Therefore, to study men and work is really to examine the very nature and conten of male lives, with work as one of the defining features of mens lives.
Given these broad objectives and views it is possible to set out four main aims for this book:
- (i) To establish that there is a real absence of an empirical understanding of men in British gender based sociological research;
- (ii) to explore how men and work are linked by examining and using existing accounts of gender theory and feminism;
- (iii) to examine mens recent experiences of the British labour market; and finally
- (iv) to provide an empirical account of mens work via an analysis of existing data. To do so using established hypotheses and notions of full-time and non-standard work to illustrate the analysis.
General Themes and Debates
Men and Sociology
In classical sociology, a limited analysis of men and work appeared before any of the gender critique offered by academic feminists. For example, an analysis of gender roles can be seen very clearly in both the work of Marx, Durkheim, with both suggesting the sexual divisin of labour develops as society moves towards industrial based civilisation. For Marx
The divisin of labour offers us the first example of howmans own act becomes an alien power, opposed to him, which enslaves him as soon as the divisin of labour begins, each man has a particular exclusive sphere of activity forced upon him and from which he cannot escape.
(Marx cited in Bottomore and Rubel 1986: 110)
Durkheims analysis reflected upon the sexual divisin of labour, offering an account of the growing increased differentiation of task and role that is characteristic of men and women in industrial society.
We are therefore led to consider the divisin of labour in a new light. In this case, indeed, the economic services that it can render are insignicant compared with the moral effect that it produces, and its true function is to create, between two or more people, a feeling of solidarity.
(Durkheim 1984: 17)
Yet for such classical sociologists, the focus on gender was not as important as their larger schemes of work. Later as the discipline of sociology developed, gender roles retumed to the sociological enquiry (see Parsons 1956), and specific male groups became the focus for research (especially if their behaviour was deemed to be something of a social problem). A good illustration of this is juvenile delinquency, a common theme throughout the 195Os and 1960s, explaining male social ills by the absence of the father or mother (Bowlby 1946; Hacker 1957; Hartley 1959; Sexton 1969).
Such themes were of central importance to the American sociological debate. For example, Hartley (1959) discussed links between father absence and the over presence of the mother to increased levels of anxiety in young boys. Hartleys research produced a picture of boys who had very distant relationships with their fathers, and boys who had been taught to valu everything feminine from an early age while living in a social environment dominated by women. Hartley suggested that the problem he re was not father absence but masculine socialisation carried out primarily by women only. Hacker (1957), separately took these debates further by suggesting that
As a man, men are now expected to demnstrate the manipulative skill in interpersonal relations formerly reserved for women under the headings of charm, tact, coquetry, womanly wiles, et cetera. They are asked to bring patience, understanding, gentleness to their human dealings. Yet with regard to women they must still be sturdy oaks
(Hacker 1957: 229)
Hacker points out that the man in a relationship was oen necessarily absent from the family, yet criticised for the effect that this had on his children (Carrigan et al 1987).
A further conflict for men was the increasing dichotomy between the sexuality of some men and societal expectations. With the increasing visibility of male homosexuality Hacker also suggested the need to establish empirically arguing that a typology of men, perhaps according to family constellations or social class position, in terms of their interpretation of the demands of masculinity and their felt capacity to fulfil them (Hacker 1957: 232).
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