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Parks M. Coble - Chinas War Reporters: The Legacy of Resistance Against Japan

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When Japan invaded China in the summer of 1937, many Chinese journalists greeted the news with euphoria. For years, the Chinese press had urged Chiang Kai-shek to resist Tokyos aggressive overtures. This was the war they wanted, convinced that their countrymen would triumph.

Parks Coble recaptures the experiences of Chinas war correspondents during the Sino-Japanese War of 19371945. He delves into the wartime writing of reporters connected with the National Salvation Movementjournalists such as Fan Changjiang, Jin Zhonghua, and Zou Taofenwho believed their mission was to inspire the masses through patriotic reporting. As the Japanese army moved from one stunning victory to the next, forcing Chiangs government to retreat to the interior, newspaper reports often masked the extent of Chinas defeats. Atrocities such as the Rape of Nanjing were played down in the press for fear of undercutting national morale.

By 1941, as political cohesion in China melted away, Chiang cracked down on leftist intellectuals, including journalists, many of whom fled to the Communist-held areas of the north. When the Peoples Republic was established in 1949, some of these journalists were elevated to prominent positions. But in a bitter twist, all mention of their wartime writings disappeared. Mao Zedong emphasized the heroism of his own Communist Revolution, not the war effort led by his archrival Chiang. Denounced as enemies during the Cultural Revolution, once-prominent wartime journalists, including Fan, committed suicide. Only with the revival of Chinese nationalism in the reform era has their legacy been resurrected.

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Chinas War Reporters The Legacy of Resistance Against Japan - image 1
CHINA'S WAR REPORTERS
THE LEGACY OF RESISTANCE AGAINST JAPAN
PARKS M. COBLE
Chinas War Reporters The Legacy of Resistance Against Japan - image 2
Picture 3
Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England
2015
Copyright 2015 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
All rights reserved
Jacket design: Annamarie McMahon Why.
Jacket photograph: Refugees from Henan province, 1943. American Geographical Society Library, University of WisconsinMilwaukee Libraries.
978-0-674-42555-2 (EPUB)
978-0-674-42554-5 (MOBI)
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-674-96767-0 (alk. paper)
In memory of Betty and Jayne
CONTENTS
  1. EUPHORIA
  2. The War They Wanted
  3. COPING WITH RETREAT
  4. Mobilizing for Long-Term Resistance
  5. COPING WITH ATROCITY
  6. Fostering the Unity of the People
  7. WARTIME MOVEMENT
  8. Survival, Displacement, and Mobility
  9. DESPAIR AND BITTER VICTORY
  10. The Growing Civil War
  11. LEGACIES OF WAR
  12. Forgetting and a New Remembering
  13. RECOVERING THE MEMORY OF THE WAR
  14. Can the Past Serve the Present?
Occupied areas in 1944 ALTHOUGH THE HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA has been - photo 4
Occupied areas in 1944
ALTHOUGH THE HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA has been filled with violence and upheaval, the eight years of the Sino-Japanese War of 19371945 nonetheless stand out as one of the most bloody and destructive episodes of all. Japans invasion in the summer of 1937 inaugurated a deadly conflict in which total military and civilian deaths in China undoubtedly surpassed 20 million. Battles on the scale of World War I were fought in densely populated areas. Civilians were indiscriminately bombed and shelled; cities were routinely burned. Japanese forces committed horrific atrocities of which the Rape of Nanjing is simply the best known. Yet actions by Chinese armies, such as the blowing up of the dikes on the Yellow River or the burning of Changsha, were often deadly as well. Seeking to escape the fighting, perhaps as many as 90 million Chinese became refugees, some for only brief durations but others for the entire war. Conditions for refugees were usually appalling. They found themselves in a sea of bitterness, to cite the title of Keith Schoppas book on the topic.
Japan occupied much of northern and eastern China; nearly half of the Chinese population found themselves living, at least for a time, under an often brutal occupation regime. The war badly disrupted the economy; poverty worsened and famine became endemic. Hyperinflation destroyed the savings and livelihoods of those on salaried incomes, including soldiers, scholars, and government bureaucrats. Virtually all Chinese were deeply scarred by the hardships of war.
One would assume that an event of this magnitude would loom large in any historical narrative of modern China. Indeed, looking at historical studies on other major combatant nations, such as Great Britain, Germany, the Soviet Union, or Japan, one would find that World War II is normally treated as a pivotal event. Even in the United States, whose shores were only lightly touched by the fighting and whose time at war was only half that of Chinas, the war is considered one of the key events of the twentieth century by most historians.
Yet, in China, fitting the war into a historical narrative has been quite problematic. Who actually fought the war? Who was the key leader, Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) or Mao Zedong? Who were Chinas allies, the United States and Britain or the Soviet Union? Which was more crucial in the history of modern Chinathe war or the Communist Revolution? After the Communist victory of 1949, the Maoist government was unwilling to acknowledge the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, the commander of Chinas forces and one of the Big Four allied leaders during World War II. Chiang was now the archenemy of the Peoples Republic from his base in Taiwan. Chinas ally during the war, the United States, was now the vanguard of imperialism, and Chiang was its running dog. Chinas true friend during the war with Japan now appeared to have been the Soviet Union, which of course had only entered the conflict against Japan on August 8, 1945. Whatever the significance of the war as a historical event, it was definitely overshadowed by the Communist Revolution.
This historical narrative changed rather dramatically with the onset of the reform era, initially led by Deng Xiaoping. With faith waning in the ideals of Communism, Beijing began to promote Nationalism as glue to bind the Peoples Republic together. The history of the war was reinvented as a patriotic Nationalist narrative. Heroic battles such as Shanghai-Wusong and Taierzhuang were reintroduced to the public imagination. Chiangs leadership could now be celebrated, including his role at the Cairo Conference and his wartime trip to India. Yet there have been limits to this new remembering of the war against Japan. The Sino-Japanese War might now be celebrated as a major event in the history of modern China, but it does not outshine the Communist Revolution. Despite the enormous output of historical writing on the war era in China today, understanding the meaning of the war remains nebulous.
Public memory of the war in China, and in East Asia in general, differs from that of other major combatant nations in one other significant way. Nearly seven decades have passed since Japan surrendered unconditionally in 1945. In most of the world the public memory of the war is now confined to ceremonies on special holidays when the few remaining veterans are honored. Movies and television specials on the conflict still appear but in diminishing numbers. And historical disputes about the war generally occur in academic journals and specialized military studies. Only occasionally will the popular media pick up one of the historical issues for brief discussion.
In East Asia, however, the legacy of the war is often a volatile, public issue. Disputes appear not simply in academic journals but on the front pages of newspapers and in television coverage. Pronouncements about the legacy of the war are often made by key political leaders, prime ministers, and presidents, rather than academics. Popular media, Internet blogs, and even public demonstrations routinely deal with the history question, as memory of the war has come to be known. A quick perusal of front-page headlines in the Chinese press in the recent past reveals how much the memory of the war remains a live issue. On August 7, 2004, for instance, a Japanese victory in the Asian Cup final match over China, held in Beijing, set off Chinese fans, who rioted. Eventually reaching the Japanese embassy, their slogans were filled with references to Japanese atrocities in World War II. A few months later in April 2005, anti-Japanese demonstrations erupted in several major cities, protesting the treatment of the war in public school textbooks in Japan. Both the Japanese embassy in Beijing and the Japanese consulate in Shanghai were damaged. The incident became a serious diplomatic matter between the two nations. Although most of those demonstrating were young, at best grandchildren of those who lived through the war, the legacy of the war seems a vital issue for them. The history question remains an obstacle to better relations between the two nations.
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