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Kirsten Marie Delegard - Battling Miss Bolsheviki: The Origins of Female Conservatism in the United States

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Kirsten Marie Delegard Battling Miss Bolsheviki: The Origins of Female Conservatism in the United States
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Why did the political authority of well-respected female reformers diminish after women won the vote? In Battling Miss Bolsheviki Kirsten Marie Delegard argues that they were undercut during the 1920s by women conservatives who spent the first decade of female suffrage linking these reformers to radical revolutions that were raging in other parts of the world. In the decades leading up to the Nineteenth Amendment, women activists had enjoyed great success as reformers, creating a political subculture with settlement houses and womens clubs as its cornerstones. Female volunteers piloted welfare programs as philanthropic ventures and used their organizations to pressure state, local, and national governments to assume responsibility for these programs.
These female activists perceived their efforts as selfless missions necessary for the protection of their homes, families, and children. In seeking to fulfill their maternal responsibilities, progressive women fundamentally altered the scope of the American state, recasting the welfare of mothers and children as an issue for public policy. At the same time, they carved out a new niche for women in the public sphere, allowing female activists to become respected authorities on questions of social welfare. Yet in the aftermath of the suffrage amendment, the influence of women reformers plummeted and the new social order once envisioned by progressives appeared only more remote.
Battling Miss Bolsheviki chronicles the ways women conservatives laid siege to this world of female reform, placing once-respected reformers beyond the pale of political respectability and forcing most womens clubs to jettison advocacy for social welfare measures. Overlooked by historians, these new activists turned the Daughters of the American Revolution and the American Legion Auxiliary into vehicles for conservative political activism. Inspired by their twin desires to fulfill their new duties as voting citizens and prevent North American Bolsheviks from duplicating the success their comrades had enjoyed in Russia, they created a new political subculture for women activists. In a compelling narrative, Delegard reveals how the antiradicalism movement reshaped the terrain of womens politics, analyzing its enduring legacy for all female activists for the rest of the twentieth century and beyond.

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Battling Miss Bolsheviki
POLITICS AND CULTURE IN MODERN AMERICA
Series Editors: Margot Canaday, Glenda Gilmore, Michael Kazin, and Thomas J. Sugrue
Volumes in the series narrate and analyze political and social change in the broadest dimensions from 1865 to the present, including ideas about the ways people have sought and wielded power in the public sphere and the language and institutions of politics at all levelslocal, national, and transnational. The series is motivated by a desire to reverse the fragmentation of modern U.S. history and to encourage synthetic perspectives on social movements and the state, on gender, race, and labor, and on intellectual history and popular culture.
Battling Miss Bolsheviki
The Origins of Female Conservatism in the United States
Kirsten Marie Delegard
Copyright 2012 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Except for - photo 1
Copyright 2012 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher.
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112
www.upenn.edu/pennpress
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
2 4 6 8 10 9 7 5 3 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Delegard, Kirsten.
Battling Miss Bolsheviki : the origins of female conservatism in the United States / Kirsten Marie Delegard. 1st ed.
p. cm. (Politics and culture in modern America)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8122-4366-6 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. WomenPolitical activityUnited StatesHistory20th century. 2. ConservatismUnited StatesHistory20th century. 3. United StatesPolitics and government20th century.
I. Title. II. Series: Politics and culture in modern America.
HQI236.5.U6D45 2012
305.4209739045dc23 2011021576
Contents
Introduction
Yet these invisible women changed the landscape of American politics for the rest of the twentieth century.
This narrative starts at a moment of heady victory, as female activists rejoiced in the achievement of universal female suffrage. At that moment, politically engaged women believed they stood on the cusp of a new world in which they would work together, in the words of reformer Charlotte Perkins Gilman, for universal peace, for a socialized economic system that shall make prosperity for us all, for such growth in industry, art and science, in health and beauty and happiness, as the world has never seen. The time had come, according to Gilman, for women to say to men: you have had your dayyou have worked your willyou have filled the world with warfare, with drunkenness, with vice and disease. You have wasted womens lives like water, and the children of the world have been sacrificed to your sins. Now we will have a new world. They fought for the suffrage on the conviction that once women played an equal role in governance, the nation would look very different. Journalist Rheta Childe Dorr imagined a society in which
In retrospect, it seems hopelessly naive to think that giving women the vote would so thoroughly change American life. But Dorr and other activists had good reason to be optimistic that female enfranchisement would make American government more responsive to the basic needs of its citizens. In the three decades before the Nineteenth Amendment, female activists pioneered lobbying techniques and put them to use in the service of myriad reform campaigns, including votes for women. In these yearswhich are now seen as a veritable golden age of womens politicscivically engaged activists created a female political subculture with settlement houses and womens clubs as its cornerstones. Groups such as the National Association of Colored Womens Clubs, the National Congress of Parents and Teacher Associations (PTA), the National Consumers League, the Daughters of the American Revolution, and the General Federation of Womens Clubs served as training grounds for middle-class women activists. Women volunteers piloted welfare programs as philanthropic ventures and then used their clubs and organizations to pressure state, local, and national governments to assume responsibility for these programs. Womens political influence surged. But activists perceived their efforts to force municipal reform, enact protective legislation, and craft public health initiatives as selfless missions necessary for the protection of their homes, families, and children. Women want very little for themselves, declared Dorr. Even their political liberty they want only because it will enable them to get other thingsthings needed, directly or indirectly, by children.
Yet in the aftermath of the suffrage amendment, the influence of women reformers plummeted and the millennial social order envisioned by Gilman and Dorr appeared only more remote.
The decade that followed the attainment of the franchise, reformer Grace Abbott complained, was uphill all the way.
Why did womens political influencemeasured in legislative triumphsseem to diminish after women won the vote? Or as historian Anne Firor Scott put it: What happened to the verve and enthusiasm with which the suffrage veterans set about to reorganize society?
Yet these were familiar enemies for the veteran activists, who had learned to navigate the shoals of male-controlled institutions on earlier crusades. More crippling were the divisions that opened among women once they were no longer united by the campaign for the vote. Belief in a sex-based unity had persisted despite entrenched ideological diversity among female activists since the Civil War. In the fifty years before the Nineteenth Amendment, women had been active as anarchists and communists; populists and progressives; racists and civil rights advocates. Rural women, African American women, and immigrant women had contested the efforts of white middle-class women to uplift and educate them in standards of domesticity. Until the passage of female suffrage, however, these conflicts had done little to undermine the dominance of middle-class white reformers in political discourse. Middle-class clubwomen continued to portray themselves as advocates for all women, justifying their political demands by drawing on a universal female moral authority.
The illusion of unity dissolved in the 1920s. During this decade, the conflicts that arose among women slew the chimera of gender solidarity. Immediately after the Nineteenth Amendment, differences stemming from race, class, ethnicity, region, and ideology became impossible to ignore. Female enfranchisement brought new discord. White clubwomen drew protests from African American clubwomen when they refused to help combat the abuses that barred them from voting in the South. A schism also emerged among white activists, who struggled to find consensus on the best way to advance equality and justice for women. The National Womans Party (NWP) fastened on the Equal Rights Amendment, which it proposed in 1923 to eliminate all legal disabilities for women. This measure horrified traditional social welfare reformers because it would invalidate protective labor legislation dictating minimum wage and maximum hours for wage-earning women. The split between NWP feminists and traditional reformers widened over the course of the 1920s, prompting journalist William Hurd to observe that the woman bloc does not tend to become more and more solidified but tends to become more and more disintegrated.
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