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Brett Williams - Debt for Sale: A Social History of the Credit Trap

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Debt for Sale: A Social History of the Credit Trap: summary, description and annotation

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Credit and debt appear to be natural, permanent facets of Americans lives, but a debt-based economy and debt-financed lifestyles are actually recent inventions. In 1951 Diners Club issued a plastic card that enabled patrons to pay for their meals at select New York City restaurants at the end of each month. Soon other charge cards (as they were then known) offered the convenience for travelers throughout the United States to pay for hotels, food, and entertainment on credit. In the 1970s the advent of computers and the deregulation of banking created an explosion in credit card useand consumer debt. With gigantic national banks and computer systems that allowed variable interest rates, consumer screening, mass mailings, and methods to discipline slow payers with penalties and fees, middle-class Americans experienced a sea change in their lives.
Given the enormous profits from issuing credit, banks and chain stores used aggressive marketing to reach Americans experiencing such crises as divorce or unemployment, to help them make ends meet or to persuade them that they could live beyond their means. After banks exhausted the profits from this group of people, they moved into the market for college credit cards and student loans and then into predatory lending (through check-cashing stores and pawnshops) to the poor. In 2003, Americans owed nearly $8 trillion in consumer debt, amounting to 130 percent of their average disposable income. The role of credit and debt in peoples lives is one of the most important social and economic issues of our age.
Brett Williams provides a sobering and frank investigation of the credit industry and how it came to dominate the lives of most Americans by propelling the social changes that are enacted when an economy is based on debt. Williams argues that credit and debt act to obscure, reproduce, and exacerbate other inequalities. It is in the best interest of the banks, corporations, and their shareholders to keep consumer debt at high levels. By targeting low-income and young people who would not be eligible for credit in other businesses, these companies are able quickly to gain a stranglehold on the finances of millions. Throughout, Williams provides firsthand accounts of how Americans from all socioeconomic levels use credit. These vignettes complement the history and technical issues of the credit industry, including strategies people use to manage debt, how credit functions in their lives, how they understand their own indebtedness, and the sometimes tragic impact of massive debt on peoples lives.

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Debt for Sale Debt for Sale A Social History of the Credit Trap BRETT - photo 1
Debt for Sale
Debt for Sale
A Social History of the Credit Trap
BRETT WILLIAMS
Picture 2
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia
Copyright 2004 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 191044011
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Williams, Brett.
Debt for sale : a social history of the credit trap / Brett Williams.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8122-3817-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-8122-1886-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Consumer credit United States. 2. Debt United States. 1. Title.
HG3756.U54W5342004
332.743 dc22
2004049453
Contents
Chapter1
Dont Charge This Book!
After September 11, 2001, ordinary Americans were urged to shop. Patriotic shopping would thwart terrorists, celebrate public life, and pull us back from the abyss of recession. We needed to be good citizen-consumers, but we knew that we could not really save America by shopping. Too many of us already carried too much debt.
In this book, I explore credit and debt in American life. I trace the dizzying change of the last thirty years, when credit upended relations between money, work, time, and property. Debt consumed, even ruined, many Americans. I track the connections between debts and debtors and the lenders and investors who profit from debt. I argue that debt joins rich and poor people all over the world, and I try to illuminate how those connections have been obscured. Debt intensifies class inequalities, but masks them at the same time so that debtors sometimes feel personally responsible for social problems.
Beginning in the 1970s, credit and debt became the engine of the economy. Rampaging through mergers, acquisitions, and leveraged buyouts, corporations piled on debt, moved offshore, laid off workers, and relied more on temporary and part-time help to cut costs and pay back debt. Underemployed workers needed credit to make ends meet. Credit cards acted as welfare or domestic partners for the floundering middle class. The social safety net that government had been providing frayed instead, because government, too, now bore heavy debt from stockpiling arms while granting huge tax breaks to the wealthiest Americans. Wealthy investors grew even wealthier from their returns on the government bonds that serviced government debt.
New computer technologies in the 1970s allowed banks to develop national credit networks of merchants and customers, to gather and process volumes of information on peoples lives, to screen users to charge variable interest rates, and to discipline slow payers with penalties and fees. Deregulation in the 1980s allowed many nonbanks to act like banks and issue credit cards too. Powered by profits from interest payments as borrowers sought to repay their debts, banks and faux banks ballooned into megabanks during
Lightning-fast communications and computer technologies allow these behemoths to manage massive, far-flung operations with millions of borrowers. Sophisticated equipment and facilities reduce the ultimate costs but require such huge capital investment that only the very biggest banks can participate profitably. Interstate expansion shields them from regional recessions, and ever-bolder combinations of banks, brokerage houses, mortgage lenders, and insurance and mutual fund companies allow them to bridge corporate and consumer finances and make up bad commercial loans with consumer deposits. They subcontract out special detail work such as servicing mortgages, processing credit cards, or haranguing malingerers, and they package portfolios of credit card receivables for sale on capital markets. They also sell bad loans, or charge-offs, to law firms that specialize in taking unlucky debtors to court (rather than simply breaking their kneecaps like the old loan sharks). In the process they compile mountains of personal information on the private details of our lives so that they can customize financial packages for individuals and maximize profits. Banking profits reached an all-time high in 1998 even as banks sold off their loans to Wall Street investors. Financial institutions wield enormous political clout in pursuit of a dangerous agenda, in which local banks and branches disappear to be reborn as fringe banks, and the resulting concentration makes possible escalating fees and interest rates. A banking structure built on debt is bound to be precarious.
The fundamental contradiction in this new system is that consumers must keep the economy growing and the superbanks afloat by taking on debt. The whole point of credit cards, the way they are rendered most profitable, is that we dig ourselves into debt and stay trapped there forever. And its hard to shop cheerfully or patriotically when were maxed out. The nasty shadow of the superbank (or is it the other way around?) is the bowed-down-by-debt or bankrupt consumer. The frequent flier who never pays interest for free monthly loans and even makes a profit in rebates and perks, like the deal maker who rides free on the junk-bond-leveraged-buyout express, is buoyed by the usurious interest rates paid by people who borrow to manage emergencies and make ends meet. The reeking underside of the American economy can be measurednot just by fewer, bigger, jury-rigged nonbank superbanks, but by the 1,492,000 bankruptcy filings and the whopping Picture 37.5 trillion owed in consumer debt in 2001. By 2003, our personal debt amounted to 130 percent of our disposable income, up by nearly one-third since 1995.
How did all this come about? Like players in the game of Risk, bankers moved from state to state, with the credit card their interstate warhorse. They supported and shared research on who could bear debt and just how much could be borne. When the customers who paid their bills promptly turned out to be deadbeats by not supporting operations through paying interest, bankers turned to people who were riskier. They sought debtors who would never be able to pay their balance in full, but would faithfully pay interest so that issuers could harvest or sell these mature accounts. Credit card interest and fees were their chief source of profit during the 1980s, propelled by aggressive marketing and sales efforts. They pushed credit cards into pharmacies, grocery stores, and government agencies. Parking tickets, bail bonds, and even income taxes are now debt financed. When the borderline, tenuous, struggling middle class became glutted with debt, bankers moved on to other frontiers: college students, high school students, and the very poor.
Bankers and government economists are not really surprised that we cannot rescue the economy again. They predicted and planned for this saturation of our capacity to borrow and pay back. Financial service executives have lobbied long and hard for their right to offer credit on the most desirable terms for themselves. They fought to preserve the spread between regular interest rates and the sticky interest charged on cards. They wooed legislators through relocating to states like Delaware and South Dakota (which repealed its usury cap altogether). They returned to these lawmakers for favors on such legislation as the new bankruptcy bill in 2002, which allowed only the very wealthy to seek the fresh start that bankruptcy protection provides. They market their product by appealing to our desire to be generous or masterful or mature and play on our need to pay bills, help relatives, or manage emergencies. They have shamelessly seduced college and high school students by appealing to their need for independence, their belief in the value of education, their dreams of success, the illusion that they must build credit histories, and of course their love of parties. Having abandoned retail banking and investment in poor neighborhoods, superbanks have returned there in the guise of grimly plexiglassed storefronts, which offer the most expensive credit of all through payday loans, pawnshops, check-cashing services, and rent-to-own furniture. These usurious lenders further impoverish and disenfranchise people who are already strapped.
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