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Justin Wintle - Perfect Hostage: A Life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmas Prisoner of Conscience

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Justin Wintle Perfect Hostage: A Life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmas Prisoner of Conscience
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Burma is a country where, as one senior UN official puts it, just to turn your head can mean imprisonment or death. Aung San Suu Kyi is considered to be Burmas best hope for freedom, and, because of her unwavering commitment to nonviolent resistance to the countrys brutal military junta, she has been under house arrest since 1989. Elected Prime Minister, she was prevented from taking office, but despite failing health, vilification at the hands of the Burmese media, and actual imprisonment in one of the worlds most appalling jails, Suu Kyi has persevered in a campaign of nonviolent protest as unflagging as those of Gandhi, King, and Mandela, which earned her the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. In Perfect Hostage, the most thorough biography of Suu Kyi to date, Justin Wintle tells both the story of the Burmese people and the story of an ordinary person who became a hero.

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Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ONE of the satisfactions of writing a - photo 1
Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ONE of the satisfactions of writing a biography is that research contacts may become friends. Donna Jean Guest, who long held Amnesty Internationals Burma/Myanmar brief, provided the insiders ongoing encouragement any writer engaged in a long-haul project needs. As importantly, during a period when US foreign policy entered one of its darker phases, she persuaded me, just by being herself, that the flame of decent American liberal idealism burns brightly yet. I owe an equivalent debt of gratitude to Martin Morland, Britains ambassador in Rangoon during the upheavals of 1988. Both read a draft manuscript and offered many helpful comments. I must, too, express particular thanks to Patricia Gore-Booth, the widow of Lord Gore-Booth, another British envoy to Burma. For whatever reason, she put her trust in me. My earnest hope is that her trust has not been misplaced.

One former ambassador to (amongst other nations) Indonesia, Sir Robin Christopher, and one former ambassador to Thailand and Vietnam, Derek Tonkin, gave generously of their time and thoughts. Sir Michael Holroyd, amongst contemporary biographers the best there is, lent encouragement when it was needed most: at the outset. Of the many Burmese encountered, Ma Than ninety-seven when I met her at her retirement home in Oxford slew me most. The firmness of her parting handshake and the clarity of her mind and memory are indelibly imprinted. Aye Chan and Angeline Naw generously shared work-in-progress with me. And then there is Dr Zarni, a well-known dissident living outside the country of his birth who has enraged other expatriates with his criticisms of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD. His contentious but challenging views cautioned me to take nothing for granted.

Special thanks are likewise due my erstwhile co-agent Barbara Gorna, and continuing main agent Peter Cox, of Redhammer Management. Barbara, in a moments inspiration, redirected an interest in, and concern for, Burmas beleaguered minority peoples towards Aung San Suu Kyi herself. Peter turned that deflection into two years vastly stimulating work. I am also greatly indebted to my editor at Hutchinson/Random House, Paul Sidey old friend and peerless professional; to his assistant Tess Callaway; to my painstaking copy editor Mandy Greenfield; and to Roger Walker.

From the start I elected to listen to anyone prepared to talk to me, regardless of their political affiliation. Those other helpers and informants who can be named (and there are very many who cannot be, non-Burmese as well as Burmese) are (in roughly alphabetical order): Abel Tweed; Dr Shankar Acharya; Bo Aung Din; Bo Kyi; Vicky Bowman (another former ambassador to Burma); Aung Kyaw Zaya; Professor Michael Aung Thwin; Aung Zaw; Aung Zaw Oo; Saw Ba Thin Sein; Joan Bird; Dr Peter Carey; Professor John Carroll; Marie-Pierre Champagne; Baroness Cox; Dr Cynthia Maung; Professor Frank Dikotter; Andrew Dilnut; Doh Say; Faith Doherty; Dave Eubank; Eva (Tin Hlaing); Patricia Herbert; Noriko Horsley; Guy Horton; Htoo Htoo Lay; Dr Julie Jack; Larry Jagan; Dr Richard Jones; Jue Jue; Hick K; Malavika Karlekar; Ko Aung; Wendy Law Yone; Bertil Lintner; Mahn Robert BaZan; Maung Too; Min Zin; Dr Kosuke Mizuno; Jenny Morland; Moses Soe Moe Naing; Professor Kei Nemoto; Nerdah Mya; Nita Yin Yin May; Nurul Islam; Nyo Ohn Myint; Michael Reilly; Ben Rogers; Daw San San; Josef Silverstein; Martin Smith; the staff of the library at SOAS; Soe Aung (not the Soe Aung referred to in Chapter XXXV); Dr Margaret Stearn; Debbie Stothard; Hirokuni and Keiko Sugahara; Professor Robert Taylor; Teddy Buri; Than Win Htut; U Kyaw Win; U Tin Moe; U Win Khet; Dr Win Naing; Win Thein; Dr Justin Watkins; Yongyut Losupakarn; Bill Young; Kirsten Young; Zaw Min; Zin Linn; and Zoya Phan.

Although this book is dedicated to Nat and Sugar Yontararak, and to Khun Supinya, another valiant South-East Asian freedom fighter, the underlying debt is, as ever, to wife Kimiko Tezuka-Wintle: in her own, Yamanashi way as steadfast as Suu Kyi.

Also available by Justin Wintle

Non-fiction
The Dragons Almanac
Heat Treatment: Travels Beyond the Orient
Romancing Vietnam
The Viet Nam Wars
Furious Interiors: R.S. Thomas, Wales and God
The Rough Guide History of China
The Rough Guide History of Islam
The Rough Guide History of Spain


Fiction
Paradise For Hire
Mortadella


Reference
The Dictionary of Biographical Quotation
(with Richard Kenin)
The Dictionary of War Quotations
New Makers of Modern Culture

POSTSCRIPT: THE MONKS REVOLT

For several months following first publication of this book (in April 2007) it was business as usual in Burma/Myanmar.

While many of the governments cease-fire agreements with Burmas fractious ethnic insurgents held up, the Tatmadaw pursued a campaign of great violence against Karen rebels along the Thai border. On the other side of the country, in Arakan (Rakhine state), the much-beleaguered Muslim Rohingyas increasingly found themselves deprived of land, schools, belongings and mosques for religious and racial reasons.

Nor was there any relaxation of the draconian political code in Burma as a whole. The number of prisoners of conscience remained at around twelve hundred, amongst them the journalist and founder of the short-lived Burmese Writers Association U Win Tin a close adviser of Aung San Suu Kyi in 1988 and 1989 who was entering his eighteenth year of incarceration.

At the end of May 2007, despite international pleas for her release, but to no ones surprise, the junta issued an order extending Suu Kyis house arrest by another year. A month later she spent her 62nd birthday in virtual solitary confinement, as she had spent her previous four birthdays.

That the relationship between Senior General Than Shwes junta and the Peoples Republic of China continued to deepen was reflected in the reopening of a hundred-mile stretch of the old Ledo Road, originally constructed by the Allies in WWII to keep Chiang Kaisheks Guomindang army supplied. Plans to create a deep sea port near Rangoon, connected to China by gas and oil pipelines, were also advanced.

More and more inexpensive Chinese manufactured goods flooded into Burma, as more and more of Burmas natural resources headed north, into Yunnan. Yet this did not appear to benefit the Burmese economy at large, nor the great mass of Burmese people. A confidential report prepared by Charles Petrie (the most senior UN official resident in Burma), leaked to the Financial Times on 12th July, painted a grim picture. Thirty per cent of Burmas population, Petrie claimed, lived below the poverty line, while thirty per cent of under-fives were under-nourished.

Given what was about to happen, Petries observations were prescient. From the end of August onwards Burma was thrown into renewed turmoil, in the first instance as a result of a government-induced hike in living costs.

The trigger for upheaval came on 15th August. Without forewarning, the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) announced significant increases in gasoline (66%), diesel (100%) and compressed natural gas (500%) prices. As transport companies sought to pass on their added costs to customers, city workers both white collar and blue collar were badly affected. Not only did getting to the office or factory cost more, but the price of food and other goods also rose.

The first protests began in Rangoon (and then elsewhere) on 19th August. The numbers of demonstrators, however, were small usually less than a hundred. At first, the protests may have been no more than groups of workers walking to work together, and saving money on transport. The regime, confident that a repeat of the 1988 peoples uprising was not in the cards, responded with restraint. Some leading dissidents notably Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, both members of the 88 Generation Students were hastily arrested, and some protesters were assaulted by plainclothes thugs, probably members of the USDA. But otherwise the SPDC stayed its hand. Than Shwe must have thought that the demonstrations would simply fizzle out.

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